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Ihe Wyoming History J ournal 
V7mter2000 ^ Vol 72, 

\ >- 






"Winter on Lodge Grass Creek" 


The cover painting was done by Wyoming 's famed ''cowboy art- 
ist. " E. IV. -Bill" GoUings. 

Born in Idaho in 1878. GoUings and his family moved to Chi- 
cago when he was ten years old. He studied drawing in school 
there and after a series of odd jobs, he returned west in 1896. For 
more than Jive years, he rode the range as a cowhand for Montana 
and Wyoming cattle outfits. He continued his drawing in his spare 
time. Just after the turn of the centuiy. he returned to Chicago and 
attended the Academy of Fine Arts. 

In 1 909 he built a studio in Sheridan and worked on Sheridan 
area ranches while he painted commercially. Graduallv. his works 
gained favor with critics and collectors. 

Four years after completing the painting appearing on this cover, 
GoUings received a commission for four paintings to be hung in the 
Wyoming State Capitol where they may be viewed today. 

He died on April 16. 1932, in Sheridan. 

The painting is from the Sherry Nicholas collection housed at 
the University of Wyoming Art Museum. This painting is part of a 
special exhibition of GoUings ' work to be on display at the Art 
Museum until the end of April. 

The editor of Annals of H'yoming welcomes manuscripts and photographs on ever> aspect of the hlstor\ of Wyoming and the West. 
Appropriate for submission are unpublished, research-based articles which provide new information or which offer new interpretations 
of historical events. First-person accounts based on personal experience or recollections of events will be considered for use In the 
"Wyoming Memories" section. Historic photo essays for possible publication in "Wyoming Memories" also are welcome. Articles are 
reviewed and refereed by members of the joumars Editorial Advisory Board and others. Decisions regarding publication are made by 
the editor. Manuscripts (along with suggestions for illustrations or photographs) should be submitted on computer diskettes In a format 
created by one of the widely-used word processing programs along with two printed copies. Submissions and queries should be ad- 
dressed to Editor, .Annals oflVyoming. P. O. Box 4256, University Station, Laramie WY 82071. 


Pkl RoLertd 

Book Review Eaito 

Carl HallLerg 

Editorial Advisory Board 

BdrLara Bogart, Evanston 

MaLel Brown, Newcaetle/Cneyenne 

Mickael I- Devine, Laramie 

James B. Grimtk, Je, Cneyenne 

Don Hoaggon, Torrington 

Loren Joat, Riverton 

David Katnka, Rock Springs 

T. A. Larson, Laramie 

Jokn D. McDermott, Skeridan 

skerry L. Smitk, Moose 

Tkomas R Stroock, Casper 

Lawrence M. Wjoqs, ^Ct)rlana 

Wyoming State Historical Society 
PuEjIications Committee 

Rick Ewig, Laramie 

David Katkka, Rock Springs 

skerry L. Smitk, Moose 

Amy Lawrence, Laramie 

Nancy Curtis, Glenao 

William H. Moore, Laramie (ex oriicio) 

Patty MyerB, Wkeatlana (ex-omcio) 

Loren Jost, Riverton (ex-omcio) 

Pkil Rokerts, Laramie (ex-orricio) 

Wyoming State Historical Society 
Executive Committee 

Mike Jording, President, Newcastle 

Dave Tayloi; 1st Vice Pres., Casper 

Jermy Wigkt, 2nd Vice Pres., Bediord 

Linda FaLian, Secretary, Ckeyenne 

Dick Wilder Treasurer; Cody 

Patty Myeis, Wkeatland 

Am y Lawrence, Laramie 

Joyce ^i^mke, Torrington 

Lloyd Toda, Skeridan 

Judy West, MenuDerskip Coordinator 

Governor oi Wyoming 

Jim Geringer 

Wyoming Dept. oi State Parks and 
Cultural Resources 

Jokn Keck, Director 

Wyoming Parke & Cultural Resources 

^Kllliam Dukoifl, Ckeyenne 
Ckaries A. Guerin, Laramie 
Diann Reese, Lyman 
Rosie Bergei; Big Horn 
B. Byron Price, Cody 
Hero Frenck, Newcastle 
Frank Tim iBaDell, Skoskoni 
Jeanne Hickey, Ckeyenne 
Hale Kreycik, Douglas 

University oi Wyoming 

PkiUp Dukois, President 
Mickael J. Devine, Directoi; 

American Heritage Center 
Ouver Waltei; Dean, 

College OI Arts ana Sciences 
WiHiam H. Moore, Ckaii; Dept. or History 

rSintea ky Pioneer Printing, Ckeyenne 

nals of 


Tne Wyoming History Journal 

LiUu— ' 

.\\\l \ 2' 

Winter 2000 Vol. 72, No. 1 

SyniDolizing' the Scottish-American Connection: 

The Statues oi Robert Bums in Denver anti Chej^enne 

By Ferenc M. Szasz 2 

The Wyoming' Sojourn oi the t'tah Expedition, 1857-1858 

By Murray L. Carroll 6 

Diary oi Laramie's First Resident: 
The Diary oi John F. Crowley 

TranscriDea liy Miriam Crowley McCue 25 

^fyoming Memories 

Seventy-rive ^ars with the First State Bank 

ByMatel E. Brown 


Book Reviews 

Edited ty Carl Hallkerg 40 





Picture Inside Back C( 

Annals of Wyoming: The U'yomitig Histoiy Journal is published quarterly by the Wyoming State Hisloncal 
Society in association with the Wyoming Department of Commerce, the ."^niencan Heritage Center, and the 
Department of History, L'niversity of Wyoming. ITie journal was previously published as the Ouarlerly 
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Our website address is:'\&S/history 'whjoum.htm 

Copyright 2000, Wyoming State Historical Society 

ISSN: 1086-7368 

Symbolizing the 
Scottish- American Connection: 

The Statues of Robert Burns 
in Denver and Cheyenne 

By Ferenc M. Szasz 

Robert Burns statue in City Park. Denver Robert Burns statue in Cheyenne 

Visitors strolling through Denver, Colorado, or Cheyenne, Wyoming, are often 
startled to run across towering statues of Robert Burns in both cities' downtowns. 

Winter 2000 


Ithough statues of famous writers adorn many a 
British park, they are much rarer in the United States. 
When western cities do erect such monuments, they 
usually honor national political figures like Abraham 
Lincoln or long-forgotten local dignitaries fi-om the late- 
nineteenth century. For Denver and Cheyenne to com- 
memorate a Scots poet who lived only 37 years ( 1 759- 
1796) and never set foot on North American soil is 
very unusual. 

These two monumental statues of Robert Bums, how- 
ever, reflect three central themes of the western Scot- 
tish-American experience. They acknowledge the cru- 
cial role that Scots immigrants played in shaping the 
Intermountain West; they reveal the emigres' desire to 
forge a distinct Scottish- American identity; and they 
illustrate the universal appeal of Scotland's most fa- 
mous poet. 

From the early nineteenth century forward, Scots im- 
migrants were exceptionally prominent on the western 
frontier. On the High Plains and in the Rocky Moun- 
tain West, Scots served as explorers, traveling bota- 
nists, fur traders, miners and missionary educators.' In 
Colorado and Wyoming, the Scots dominated late-nine- 
teenth-early twentieth century cattle and sheep ranch- 
ing. For years Murdo Mackenzie managed the Mata- 
dor Land and Cattle Company from a base in Trinidad, 
Colorado, and Lyulph ("Lord") Ogivily, who once 
ranched in the Greeley area, earned fame as the Denver 
Post's, first agricultural writer. Scotsman's John Clay 
managed the powerful Swan Land and Cattle Com- 
pany from Wyoming while Alan Patterson and Robert 
Taylor each owned herds of 100,000 sheep in the re- 
gion during the fin de siecle years. Taylor spent much 
effort in cross-breeding the flocks to produce lambs 
that could withstand the challenge of Wyoming range 

Simultaneously, these Scots tried to forge a distinct 
Scottish-American identity. Fiercely proud of 
Caledonia, they had become fiercely loyal Americans 
as well. Thus, they sought out various ways to cel- 
ebrate this dual heritage. 

Initially, early Scottish immigrants seized on St. 
Andrew's Day (November 30) as the main day for such 
festivities. Celebration of a saint's day was hardly un- 
usual for immigrants from the British Isles: the Welsh 
had St. David's Day (March 1 ); the Irish, St. Patrick's 
(March 17); and the English, St. George's (April 23). 
Similarly, mid-nineteenth-century Scots utilized No- 
vember 30 as a day to commemorate Scotland with 
traditional foods, dancing, piping and a variety of toasts 

to heroes on both sides of the Atlantic. "You do not 
have much to do with St. Andrew in Scotland," a Wis- 
consin Scot reminded his Aberdeen readers in 1864, 
but it was different with Scotsmen abroad. The day 
was necessary here, he noted, to nourish "that noble 
pride which every Scotchman feels in his ancestral glory 
and living fame."^ 

But Abraham Lincoln's 1863 proclamation of a na- 
tional day of Thanksgiving in late November eventu- 
ally crowded out St. Andrew's Day. It was not long 
before Robert Bums's birthday (January 25) replaced 
it. Perhaps the celebration of a saint's day rang foreign 
to American ears; or perhaps mid-winter provided a 
better time to stage a gala celebration. At any rate, by 
the turn of the century, the celebration of Robert Bums 
Day had emerged as the major disseminator of Scot- 
tish culture and "the garb of old Gaul" throughout the 
region. Numerous reminiscences recall the childhood 
agony of sitting though yet-another-lecture on Robert 

The "Bums ethos," however, harmonized especially 
well with the American western ethos. The mock hero- 
ics of his ballads meshed nicely with westem cynicism, 
and Bums's mild skepticism about religion (Holy 
Willie) made him free of sectarian bias. Almost Jaco- 
bean in outlook, his great poems celebrating democ- 
racy ("a man's a man for a' that") and denouncing hy- 
pocrisy ("O wad some Power the giftie gie us/to see 
ourselves as ithers see us") made Bums universally ac- 

Abraham Lincoln proved one of Bums's greatest ad- 
mirers. He could quote him by the hour and on January 
25, 1865, he wrote to a Bums committee in praise of 
the poet's "generous heart and transcendent genius.'"* 
This respect was shared by a great many others. "I have 
hope for the human race so long as they celebrate the 
birthday of Robert Bums," said radical Denver Con- 

' I treat this in detail in my Scotland and the North American 
West. 1790-1917. (Norman: University of Oi^lahoma Press [forth- 

- See John Clay, My Life on the Range (New York: Antiquar- 
ian Press, Ltd. [ 1 924], 1 96 1 ); Denver Post Empire Magazine, May 
23, 1971; Harmon Ross Mothershed, The Swan Land and Cattle 
Company. Ltd. (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1971); 

Edward Norris Wentworth, America 's Sheep Trails (Ames: The 
Iowa State College Press, 1948). 

' "Wisconsin Scot" letter, Aberdeen Free Press. December 14, 
1868, Special Collections, University of Aberdeen Library, Ab- 
erdeen, Scotland. 

'' Philip B. Kinhardt, Jr., et. al. Lincoln (New York: Alfred 
Knopf, 1992), 263. 

Annals of Wyoming: Tne Wyoming History Journal 

gregationalist minister Myron W. Reed, about 1893. 
"I hate to be cruel but think of celebrating the birthday 
of [railroad magnate George] Pullman."'' 

By 1906, more than 60 American cities celebrated 
.January 25, including San Francisco, Denver, Albu- 
querque, Cheyenne, Seattle, and Lander, Wyoming. A 
number of Bums's verses were also parodied anony- 
mously (John Alcohol, my foe, John), the highest form 
of flattery. 6 It was not long before the Bums festivi- 
ties assumed a more or less standard fonn. The day 
demanded a wide variety of special foods: shortbread, 
haggis ("great chieftain o' the puddin-race"); 
"howtowdies wi'drappit egge"; "thairums, pies and 
porter"; and "panitch and milk." 

The men donned kilts while the women joined in 
reels and Highland flings. Bagpipes and occasionally 
hoinpipes proved essential, as singing and music domi- 
nated the affair. The songs included: "The Land of 
Bums," "Warrior Bold," "When the Swallows Home- 
ward Fly," "Within a Mile 0' Edinburgh," "Farewell 
My Home," and "Tam O'Shanter." "The Cotter's Sat- 
urday Night" and "Auld Lang Syne" rounded out the 

Writing in 1 896, Peter Ross described the Bums Day 
celebration as "generally the most thoroughgoing 
Scotch affairs in the world. "^ In 1901, the Scottish 
American offered advice on "How to Organize a Scot- 
tish Society," with a Bums Day at the core."* "It was a 
real important thing for the Scots," recalled one early 
Idaho pioneer. When Bums Day celebrations first be- 
gan in her area ( 1 903 ), few "non-Scots" attended. '° By 
the turn of the century, most large westem cities boasted 
some form of Scottish-American organization. 

The Caledonian Club No. I of Denver was one of 
these important regional groups. Aroimd 1 900 the Den- 
ver Scottish-Americans decided to honor the 150th 
birthday of Bums by donating a statue of him to their 
adopted city. The local Denver city govemment was 
delighted, since the always scarce city funds had been 
earmarked for more pressing needs. Thus, the 
Caledonian Club contracted with A. Grant Stevenson 
of Edinburgh to sculpt the statue. 

A noted sculptor, Stevenson's first large statue of 
Bums formed the centerpiece of the Kilmamock Bums 
Memorial and Museum in Scotland. He modeled the 
face of these monuments on the famous Naysmith por- 
trait of Burns. The project took several years to com- 
plete but in early 1904 Stevenson shipped the statue to 
New York, where it traveled by rail to Denver. It stood 
10 feet, 10 1/2 inches, atop a 16-feet 4-inch, red-and- 
granite base, designed by Denverite William J. Higman, 
and prepared locally. The total cost reached $ 1 0,000, a 

considerable sum for the day. It was entirely subscribed 
by the Scottish-American community of the region." 
The inscription by Isabelle Crane Knox read: 


On Independence Day 1904, the Caledonian Club 
formally unveiled the monument in Denver's lush city 
park. A pipe band, chorus, and several solos provided 
the musical accompaniment. Denver Mayor Robert W. 
Speer accepted the statue on behalf of the city, noting 
that Burns "belongs to us all."'- Then William B. 
McGilvray, Chief of Caledonian Club No. I, delivered 
a lengthy address that was covered in detail by the lo- 
cal press. Noting Bums's link with America's Fourth 
of July, McGilvray said that Bums's poetry was "im- 
bued with the principles contained in the Declaration 
of Independence and whose outspoken sympathies with 
the young republic could not be restrained."'^ After 
the ceremony, the crowd of about 20,000 listened to a 
Cook Drum Corps concert, and when dusk fell enjoyed 
an evening of fireworks. In the eyes of the audience, 
Robert Bums, Scotland, and the essence of America 
had merged into one. 


he second statue of Bums was not dedicated until 
1929, but the passage of a quarter of a century did not 
alter the sentiments. Like Colorado, Wyoming housed 
a number of Scottish-American organizations. For years 
Cheyenne residents Andrew and Mary Gilchrist had 
hosted a gala Bums Dinner celebration on January 25, 
to which it was considered an honor to be invited. Un- 
like Denver's Bums statue, however, the funds for the 
Cheyenne monument came, not from the entire Scot- 
tish community, but from a single person, Mary 

Mary and Andrew Gilchrist arrived in Colorado soon 
after their 1 866 Glasgow wedding. Following a stay in 

'' Myron W. Reed clipping file, Westem History Department, 
Denver Public Library. 

'' Carolyn Wells, ed., A Parody Anthology (New York: Dover, 
1964; 1967), 46. 

^ Herbert N. Casson, "The Sons of Old Scotland in America," 
Monsey's Magazine 34 (1906): 600. 

" Peter Ross, The Scot in America (New York; Raeburn Book 
Company, 1896), 1901. 

'' Scottish American, September 25. 1901. 

'" Betty Hitt, typescript interview, Idaho Historical Society, 
Boise, Idaho. 

" Denver Daily Ne^vs, July 5, 1904. 

Winter 2000 

Greeley, they moved to Cheyenne in 1 877 where they 
engaged in ranching, counting themselves among the 
largest landholders in the region. Later, Andrew helped 
found the Stock Growers National Bank, amassing a 
considerable fortune before his death in the early 
ISQCs.'"* Mary donated land for Gilchrist Park in Chey- 
enne in his honor, and continued to live in their elegant 
city home, interspersed with trips back to her native 

In 1927, Mar>', then in her early 80s, decided to honor 
her adopted city by erecting a monument to Robert 
Bums. She said that a statue of the poet in downtown 
Cheyenne "would exert a tendency to direct thought in 
the community to wholesome consideration of his sweet 
gentle philosophy."'-^ Thus, she designated a commit- 
tee to carry out the complex negotiations. The com- 
mittee wrote first to W. Grant Stevenson, but discov- 
ered that Stevenson had died several years earlier. His 
widow directed them to Henry S. Gamley, a pupil of 
Stevenson's brother (also a sculptor), and they quickly 
agreed on terms.'* W.J. Higman, who had constructed 
the pedestal for the Denver statue, oversaw the build- 
ing of the Cheyenne pedestal as well. 

Gamley sculpted the Burns image in clay in his 
Edinburgh studio and then sent it to his Paris studio to 
be cast in bronze. Unfortunately, just after he finished 
the final touches in 1928 he died, adding a bit of poi- 
gnancy to the eventual dedication ceremony. 

Henry Gamley's Bums proved almost the equal of 
Stevenson's. Weighing 1 726 pounds, it stood six and a 
half feet tall on a base about 20 feet high. The cost was 
$20,000, entirely paid for by Mary Gilchrist. 

The inscriptions remained simple. One side of the 
base acknowledged the generosity of the donor, while 
the other carried verses from Bums's popular "The 
Cotter's Saturday Night"; 


Although the initial plan was to dedicate the Chey- 
enne statue on January 25, 1929, delays postponed the 
ceremony until summer. As with the 1904 Denver un- 
veiling, the Cheyenne Scottish-Americans selected a 
national holiday for this occasion; Armistice Day, No- 
vember 11, 1929. 

The large crowd that gathered included a number of 
dignitaries, such as the mayor of Cheyenne, several 

judges, and numerous prominent Wyoming Scots. The 
keynote speaker was the governor, Frank C. Emerson. 
Emerson noted that since the statue was given to 
Wyoming's capitol city, it was, in essence, a gift to the 
entire commonwealth of Wyoming. "In honoring her 
distinguished countryman," the governor said of Mary 
Gilchrist, "she honors all of us in America."'^ Once 
again, the speakers successfully merged Robert Bums, 
Scotland, and the essence of America.'*^ 

Over the course of the century, the two Bums statues 
have gradually faded from public memory. Periodically, 
Denver reporters comment on their Bums statue, and 
while most Colorado readers recognize the poet's name, 
few can recall why he appears in City Park.''* 

The monument in Cheyenne has fared even worse. 
Gilchrist Park gradually fell into min and the city did 
not restore it until the late 1970s.-" Today, many Chey- 
enne residents are uncertain about its location. It is at 
the intersections of Pioneer, Randall and 26th Street. 

But things were different in the early twentieth cen- 
tury. In those days, Scottish- American fervor ran high, 
and the Scots formed a successful, highly visible mi- 
nority in the Intermountain West. Proud of both their 
homeland and their adopted nation, they celebrated this 
union in a variety of ways. The most enduring of these, 
the Robert Bums statues in Denver and Cheyenne, still 
echo the western Scottish-American connection. 

'- Denver Republican, July 5, 1904. 

" Denver Republican, July 5, 1904; Rocky Mountain Nev,'s, 
July 5, 1904. 

'^ Wyoming Stale Tribune and Cheyenne State Leader, Novem- 
ber 10, 1927. 

'-' Wyoming Eagle. July 25, 1982. 

"■ Letter, H. S. Gamley to M. S. Reynolds, n.d., vertical files. 
Cultural Resources Division, Wyoming Parks and Cultural Re- 
sources Department, Cheyenne. 

" "Address of Governor Frank C. Emerson upon occasion of 
unveiling of Robert Bums Memorial Statue." vertical files. Cul- 
tural Resources Division, Wyoming Parks and Cultural Resources 
Department, Cheyenne. 

.'* "Address of William A. Riner at presentation of Bums's 
memorial," vertical tiles. Cultural Resources Division, Wyoming 
Parks and Cultural Resources Department, Cheyenne. 

'" Denver Post, February 2, 1965. Rocky Mountain News, .April 
2, 1965; Rocky Mountain News, January 2, 1963. 

-" Kilmarnock Standard [Scotland], October 1, 1982, vertical 
files. Cultural Resources Division, Wyoming Parks and Cultural 
Resources Department, Cheyenne. 

Ferenc M. Szasz is professor of history. University 
of New Mexico, where he specializes in American 
social and intellectual histoiy. He is author of the 
forthcoming book. Scotland and the North Ameri- 
can West, 1790-19] 7. to be published later this year 
by University of Oklahoma Press. 


y Mmwwmy La CmwwmM 

SOUTH FORK OF PI.ATTE f^'V CR f f R'vUTE TO ITAH .lOt-y ?0 'Jf M6S . 

7?/! Infantry Regiment crossing South Platte. July 20. 1858 

'The movement of the army to Utah is without par- 
allel in military history." It was certainly the largest 
concentration of United States' troops to take place 
between the Mexican and Civil Wars. 

Winter 2000 

/^m] hortly after his inauguration on Marcii 4, 1 857, 
^^k) President James Buchanan decided to replace 
— ^ Brigham Young as governor of Utah Territory, 
and install an entirely new set of federal otTicials. 
Young's term expired in 1 854 and, at that time. Presi- 
dent Franklin Pierce had been unable to find a suitable 
non-Mormon replacement. Therefore, Young contin- 
ued to serve in an interim capacity. 

President Buchanan faced the same problem as had 
President Pierce; his first choice. Ben McCulloch of 
Texas, declined the appointment. The search contin- 
ued through May and into June. Finally, Alfred 
Gumming of Georgia accepted. Secretary of State Lewis 
Cass did not send Gumming his commission until July 
1 3 . This delayed Gumming's departure for his new post, 
past the desirable date to assure the best traveling sea- 
son to Utah. 

President Buchanan, in consultation with Secretary 
of War John B. Floyd, decided to send a large military 
escort with the governor and the other newly-appointed 
officials. This force not only was to escort the officers, 
but was to establish a permanent garrison in Utah to 
protect the trails, and serve as a posse comitatiis if nec- 
essary.' Since Congress was not in session, its ap- 
proval and support was not sought prior to undertaking 
the operation. Buchanan and Floyd acted quickly and 
in secrecy, hoping to have the expedition organized 
and underway w ithout too much publicity in the East, 
and without alerting Brigham Young and the Mormons. 
On May 28, the commanding general of the army. 
Lieutenant General W infield Scott, issued orders for 
the 2d Dragoons, 5th Infantry. 10th Infantry, and 
Phelps" and Reno"s batteries of the 4th Artillery to as- 
semble at Fort Leavenworth. Kansas Territorj'. under 
the command of Brevet Brigadier General W. S. 
Harney. This force totaled 2.500 men out of a total 
army strength of about 16.000. With teamsters, 
contracters and other civilians, the force was expected 
to total some 5.000 persons.- The Army Quartermas- 
ter General, with some exaggeration, stated, "The move- 
ment of the anny to LItah is without parallel in military 
history."' It was certainly the largest concentration of 
United States troops to take place between the Mexi- 
can and Civil Wars. 

Scott objected strongly to the operation. He felt it 
was too late in the season for the force to organize, get 
underway and reach its destination safely. It presented 
a logistical nightmare as well. It would be necessary 
to procure all the necessary supplies, rations, forage, 
ammunition, clothing, tentage, and to establish the es- 
sential transportation and resupply support structure. 

Also, the expedition could not move until the new gov- 
ernor and the other territorial officials were appointed, 
received their commissions and were ready to leave. 
General Scott additionally observed that the Mormons 
could mobilize and field an army of 4.000 men imme- 
diately, with shorter, and less vulnerable suppl\ lines. 
Secretary of War Floyd overruled Scott, and ordered 
the operation to proceed. General Harney also opposed 
the operation. He expressed the opinion that there would 
be no advantage in trying to move an army so late in 
the season.^ 

The reasons tor the expedition were complex and are 
still not completely clear. Anti-Mormon prejudice, po- 
litical problems that were part of the prelude to the 
Civil War. economic interests of War Department con- 
tractors, and biased advice given to President Buchanan 
and his cabinet members, all played a part in the deci- 

Utah was established as a territor> by the Utah Act, 
one of the five measures comprising the Compromise 
of 1 850. passed by Congress and signed by President 
Millard Fillmore on September 9. 1850.' Brigham 
Young was appointed first territorial governor and su- 
perintendent of Indian affairs." These political appoint- 
ments, combined with Young's position as head of 
the Mormon church, essentially, if unintentionally, 
confirmed Utah as a theocracy, as visualized by Young 
and the Mormon hierarchy when they originally orga- 
nized the State of Deseret in 1849. 

Although the non-Mormon federal officials appointed 
to Utah at various times tended to be political hacks, 
even those with ability and the best intentions could 
not function within the shadow of the ghost state of 

' The use of militan troops in the capacity o( posse comitatus 
was legal at this time, but was prohibited b_\ the provision of 
Army Appropriation Act for 1879. commonK called "The Posse 
Comilalus Act. " "The Posse Comiiatus Act" \\asvfpta\td'\n 1956. 
and its substance included in Section 1385 of Title 18. United 
States Code. 

- "The Utah Expedition." House Executive Document ~ I. 35"' 
Congress. 1" Session. 4-5. 

'"Report of the Quartermaster General for the fiscal year end- 
ing June 30. 1858." Annual Report oj the Secretary of War. 1858 
II. 797. (National Archives. Microcopy No. 997, Roll No. 11.) 

■■ Otis G. Hammond, ed. The I'tah Expedition 1857-1858. Let- 
ters of C apt. Jesse Gove. 10"' Inf. U.S.A., of Concord. N. H.. to 
Mrs. Gove, and special correspondence of the New York Herald 
(Concord: The New Hampshire Historical Society. 1928). 7. [Here- 
after cited as "Hammond."] 

■ George Brown Tindall. America, a .Narrative History. (New 
York: W. W. Norton, 1984). 579-586. 

- Leonard J. Arrington. Brigham Young. .American Xfoses. 
(New York: Alfred A. Knopf. 1985). 26-28. 

Annals of Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal 

Deseret controlled b>- the Mormon church hierarchy 
and, therefore, they did not stay in Utah very long. One 
of the worst, W. W. Drtiinmond, was appointed by 
President Pierce in 1854 as one of the territorial su- 
preme court justices. Drummond was especially dis- 
tasteful to the Monnons. He left his wife and children 
behind when he came to Utah, while his mistress, a 
prostitute from Washington, accompanied him. Fre- 
quently she joined him on the bench during trials. He 
was also a heavy drinker, and violently anti-Mormon. 
Drummond's letter of resignation of March 30, 1857, 
was virulent in his accusations of Mormon perfidy and 
disloyalty to the United States. He stated that "The of- 
ficers are insulted, harassed, and murdered for doing 
their duty, and not recognizing Brigham Young as the 
only law-giver and law-maker on earth."' 

Another equally \ irulent letter came from the pen of 
William M. F. Magraw, a personal friend of President 
Buchanan, who had lost a United States mail contract 
to a Monnon, Hiram Kimball, and eventually to the 

"Brigham Young Express and Carrying Company," also 
known as the "Y.X. Company."^ Both letters were 
widely reprinted in the Eastern press. 

Another factor was the scent of rebellion that was in 
the air. The tensions between pro-slavery and anti-sla- 
very advocates in Congress were acted out in actual 
physical clashes between abolitionists and pro-slavery 
forces in Kansas. These quarrels already required the 
deployment of a large number of federal troops to keep 
order. The one common idea that Southern and North- 
em Democrats and the Republicans all shared was a 
strong antipathy toward the Mormons. The press was 
calling for "prompt and decisive action to dethrone 

' LeRoy R. Hafen and Ann W. Hafen, The Utah Expedition 
1857-1858. A Documentary Account of the United States Mili- 
tary Movement Under Colonel Albert Sidney Johnston, and the 
Resistance by Brigham Young and the Mormon Nauvoo Legion. 
(Glendale, Calif.: Tine Arthur H. Ciaric Company, 1958), 366. 

' W. Turrentine Jactcson, Wagon Roads West. (Lincoln: Uni- 
versity of Nebraska Press, 1979), 175. 



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Reprinted by permission of the publishers, The Arthur H. Clark Company, from "Documentary Account of the Utah E.xpedition, 1857-1858," 
by LeRoy E. and Ann W. Hafen, 1982. 

Winter 2000 

'King Brigham' and emancipate his subjects from their 
abject bondage."' Robert Tyler, son of ex-President 
John T\ier, and an intimate friend and advisor of Presi- 
dent Buchanan, suggested in a letter to Buchanan, that 
the "eyes and hearts of the Nation may be made to find 
so much interest in Utah as to forget Kansas!"'" 

General Scott, in his instructions to General Harney, 
gave as the official reason for the expedition [that] "The 
community and, in part, the civil government of Utah 
Territory are in a state of substantial rebellion against 
the laws and authority of the United States."" From 
the military point of view, that view, coupled with the 
fact that Utah sat astride all the major land routes of 
communication between the Atlantic seaboard and the 
Pacific states and territories, served as ample justifica- 
tion for military action. 

As General Scott had predicted, the expedition would 
be late in the season getting organized and undenvay. 
General Harney and the 5th Infantry were on duty in 
the Seminole War in Florida. The 5th Infantry initially 
was held at Jefferson Barracks. Missouri, to allow for 
the recovery of the sick and wounded. The 1 0th Infan- 
try was in Minnesota. Only a part came to Fort 
Leavenworth, and it was at less than half strength. 
The rest of the unit was to join the column en route. 
One squadron of the 2nd Dragoons, from Fort Randall, 
Dakota Territory, was decimated by desertions and 
scurvy when it reported to Fort Leavenworth. 

The first unit to get underway was the element of the 
1 0th Infantry, which left Fort Leavenworth on July 1 8. 
The two artillery batteries left on the 1 9th, and the 5th 
Infantry on the 22nd. Due to desertions and sickness, 
all of the units were well below expected strength, to- 
taling just 1,200 men.'- 

Kansas Governor Robert J. Walker requested 
comitatus to restore order in Lawrence and other areas 
of conflict. Seven companies of the 2nd Dragoons un- 
der Lt. Colonel Philip St. George Cooke were detached 
temporarily from the Utah expedition for this purpose. 
President Buchanan granted a further request from Gov- 
ernor Walker that General Harney himself be retained 
at Fort Leavenworth permanently. Thus, the balance 
of the expedition, together with many of its supply trains 
and 2,000 head of beef cattle, was on the road to Utah 
without its commanding officer, or any officer desig- 
nated as interim commander, and without mounted 
troops to protect the line of march. 

The senior officer with the column was Colonel 
Edmund B. Alexander, commanding officer of the 1 0th 
Infantry. He was a weak and indecisive officer whose 
subordinates referred to him as "the old woman." 
Alexander made no effort to assume command of the 

column, and exercised little control over his own regi- 
ment, usually riding in an ambulance in the middle of 
his regimental column, rather than leading it on horse- 
back." In short order, the troops and supply trains were 
scattered along the length of the Oregon Trail from Fort 
Leavenworth to South Pass. 

Somewhat belatedly. Colonel Albert Sidney 
Johnston, commanding officer of the 2nd Cavalry Regi- 
ment, stationed in San Antonio. Texas, was ordered to 
the War Department. On Augifst 28. he was ordered 
from Washington to Fort Leavenworth "in anticipa- 
tion of orders to be issued placing you in command of 
the Utah Expedition."'^ He was given six companies 
of the 2d Dragoons "to escort you and the civil au- 
thorities to Utah."'' Thus. Johnston inherited the con- 
fusion and lack of a clear plan of operation for an expe- 
dition whose leading elements were some thousand 
miles west of him. nearing Fort Laramie; other ele- 
ments were with him; and still others were somewhere 
between Minnesota and the Oregon Trail. 

The supply trains and cattle herds ranged from some 
actually being ahead of the column, while the logisti- 
cal tail itself just organizing in Leavenworth City. 
Russell & Waddell held the contract for the delivery of 
one year's supply of cattle on the hoof to the troops in 
Utah. Because of the disorderly nature of the line of 
march, one of the herds was attacked by Cheyenne In- 
dians and several hundred head were lost. Other ra- 
tions procured and shipped consisted of three months' 
supply for use in transit, and one year's supply from 
the expected time of arrival in Utah.'^ 

Lt. Colonel Philip St. George Cooke, with compa- 
nies A, B. C, F, G and 1 of the 2nd Dragoons, com- 
prised the rear guard, and also the escort for the gover- 
nor, the other new Territorial officials and their wives." 

'' Kenneth M. Stampp. America ux I85~. A Nation on the 
Bank. (New York: Oxford University F»ress. 1990). 200-202. 

'" Robert Tyler to President Buchanan, April 27. 1857, 
Buchanan Collection, cited in Stampp. 201. 

" "The Utah Expedition." 7-9. 

'■ Hafen and Hafen, 34. 

" Hammond. 19. 

'"* "Annual Report of the War Department. 1857. Documents 
Accompanying the report of the Secretary of War. No. 1. Reports 
on the Utah expedition." House Executive Document 2. 35''' Con- 
gress. 2"'' Session. I'olume II. pp. 23-24. [National Archives Mi- 
crocopy Number 997, Roll Number 11.] Hereafter cited as An- 
nual Report of the War Department. 185''. 

" Ibid. 

'""Annual Report of the Commissary General. 1857." Annual 
Report of the War Department. 185~. 161-162. 

" Companies D. E. H. and K of the J'"* Dragoons remained in 
Kansas as a part of General Hamey"s peace-keeping force. 


Annals of Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal 

Together with their support and baggage trains, they 
departed Fort Leavenworth on the afternoon of Sep- 
tember 1 7. Earher the same day, Colonel Johnston, with 
an escort of 40 dragoons, left Fort Leavenworth intent 
on reaching the head of the column as rapidly as pos- 
sible. He expected to make the journey in 35 days, and 
be in the Salt Lake Valley by about October 20.'^ 

Captain Stewart Van Vliet, Assistant Quartermaster 
General, was ordered to Salt Lake City ahead of the 
expedition to determine the availability of supplies and 
provisions. In addition, he was to assess the attitude of 
Brigham Young and the Mormon leadership in respect 
to a mi!itar> presence in Utah.'" VanVliet was an ex- 
cellent choice for the task. He was well-known among 
the Mormons, having employed many from the Win- 
ter Quarters while stationed in the area. Brigham Young 
spoke of him as " — always free and frank, and a man 
who wishes to do right; no doubt he would do justice 
to all. if he had the power."-° 

In spite of the friendly welcome 
VanVliet received, Brigham Young 
made it quite clear that there would be 
no rations, forage, building supplies or 
other support available to the army; that 
any effort on the part of the army to enter .| 
Salt Lake Valley would be met with 5 
armed resistance; and, that a scorched o 
earth policy would be followed in re- x 
spect to Salt Lake City as well as all a 
other settlements and farms in the val- i 
ley. Van Vliet visited many Utah fami- | 
lies whom he had known at Winter ^ 
Camp. Without exception, they ex- a 
pressed the fear that the movement of - 
troops to Utah meant the beginning of ^ 
another religious persecution. Van Vliet -^ 
noted in his report that it was already d 
snow ing in the Wasatch Mountains and o 
the Ham's Fork area. He recommended .= 
that rather than try to move into Utah = 
as planned, the army should take over "H 
Fort Bridger and Fort Supply from the §■ 
Mormons and winter over until spring.-' = 

No sooner had Captain VanVliet left ^ 
Salt Lake City than Brigham Young | 
sent a letter to Colonel Alexander, who, | 
with his regiment was bivouacked on c3 
Ham's Fork, addressed "To the Officer S 
Commanding the Forces Now Invading ■§ 
Utah" in which he statea that by virtue S 
of his authority as governor, he issued ^ 

a proclamation, forbidding the entrance of armed forces 
into Utah Territory. He granted Alexander the choice 
of withdrawing from Utah Territory, or remaining en- 
camped for the winter on Black's Fork or the Green 
River, provided that he deposit his arms and ammuni- 
tion with Lewis Robinson, Quartermaster General of 

'" Johnston to McDowell. September 16, 1857, Letters Sent, 
Department of Utah. Records of the War Department, National 

''' "Report of the Secretary of War." Annual Report of the War 
Department, 1857. 8-9: "Report of Captain Stewart Van Vliet," 
ibid.. 24-27; "Orders to Captain Stewart Van Vliet. Assistant 
Quartermaster. Fort Leavenworth. K.T.. from A. Pleasonton. Cap- 
tain. 2°'' Dragoons. Asst. Adjutant General, Headquarters of the 
Army for Utah, Fort Leavenworth. K. T., July 28. 1857, 27-28. 

-" Deseret News. September 23. 1857. quoted in Hafen and 
Hafen, 36. 

'' "Report of Captain Stewart Van Vliet." Annual Report of 
the War Department, 1857, 24-27. 

General Albert Sidney Johnston 

Winter 2000 


the Territory, and leave as soon as possible in the 

Major Lot Smith,-' of the Mormon Navoo Legion, 
commanded by General Daniel H. Wells, com- 
mander of all of the Mormon forces, was asked by 
Wells to take a few men, and either turn back or 
bum the Federal supply trains. With 44 men. he 
moved parallel to the California-Oregon Trail, out- 
flanked the federal column, and came up in its rear. 
The first supply train he came to was a large ox- 
train under a wagon master named Rankin. Smith 
ordered him to turn his train around and return east. 
He did so, but immediately turned back west as soon 
as Smith was out of sight. He met up with troops 
and was unloaded before Smith could strike again. 
Smith then divided his meager force into two sec- 
tions, and sent Captain H. D. Haight with twenty 
men to try to capture the 10th Infantry's mules. He 
took the remainder and went hunting for supply 
trains. Alexander left a 35-mile gap between his 1 0th 
Infantry and the 5th Infantry. In this gap. Smith's 
scouts spotted a train moving on the old Mormon 
trail along the Green River, near Sandy Creek. They 
reported it was a 26 wagon train. Since the train was 
without a military escort. Smith calculated that with 
bull-whackers and extra hands, he would be dealing 
with about 40 men. If he moved after dark, he ex- 
pected no trouble. To his surprise, when he moved on 
the train, he discovered it actually was two trains each 
of 26 wagons, parked side-by-side. He disarmed the 
teamsters, took what he and his men needed from the 
wagon trains and fired the wagons and cargo. 

The following day, he intercepted another train on 
the Sandy, consisting of 26 wagons under wagon mas- 
ter Lewis Simpson.-^ Smith had a great deal of admi- 
ration for Simpson. He said he was the bravest man he 
met during the campaign. He left him with two wag- 
ons and their oxen, and the necessary supplies for his 
bull-whackers, before he burned the rest of the train. 

(William F. "Buffalo Bill" Cody claimed that, as a 
thirteen-year-old boy, he was a member of the Simpson 
train, an employee of Russell, Majors & Waddell. and 
wintered with the army after the train's destruction.-- 
According to Cody, James B. "Wild Bill" Hickok was 
an employee on the train as well, and was Cody's self- 
appointed protector. )-'' 

In burning the three supply trains. Smith destroyed 
72 wagons and their cargoes of 300,000 pounds of sup- 
plies, primarily food— ham, bacon, beans, flour, cof- 
fee, sugar— enough rations to feed all of the troops in 
the Utah Expedition for several months.-' The food- 


Harold B 

Major Lot Smith. Mormon guerilla leader 

Stuffs were required to support the force through the 
winter and could not be replaced until after the spring 
thaws. In addition to the military trains, three wagons 
belonging to Mr. Perry, the sutler of the 10th Infantry, 
were burned. 

" "Letter. Brigham Young to the Officer Commanding the 
Forces Now Invading Utah Territor\'. September 29. 1857.'" An- 
nual Report of the War Department. 1S5~. 32. 

-' Lot Smith, at the age of sixteen, served as a private in the 
Mormon Battalion during the Mexican War. under the command 
of then Captain Philip St. George Cooke. See Norma Ricketts. 
The .Mormon Battalion. U.S. Army of the West. 1846-1848. (Lo- 
gan: Utah State Universit>' Press, 1996). 29. 266. 328.) 

-■' Lewis Simpson was Alexander Major's son-in-law. 
Raymond W. and Mary Lund Settle. War Drums and Wagon 
Wheels. The Story of Russell. .Majors and Waddell (Lincoln: Uni- 
versity of Nebraska Press. 1966). 67. 

^- William F. Cody. The Life of Buffalo Bill (Hartford: Frank 
E. Bliss, 1879). 64-80; Colonel Henry Inman and Colonel Will- 
iam F. Cody, The Great Salt Lake Trail. (New York: The 
Macmillan Coi];fpany. 1898). 382-396. 

^^ Cody. 382-3V6. Joseph G. Rosa, Tlwy Called Him Wild Bill: 
The Life and Adventures of James Butler Hickok. (Norman: Uni- 
versity of Oklahoma Press, 1964), 22. Although Rosa mentions 
this, he states he was unable to find supporting evidence. 

-" Norman E. Fumiss. The Mormon Conflict. 1850-1859. (New 
Haven: Yale University Press. 1960), 109; Hafen and Hafen , 162- 


Annals oi Wyoming: Tne Wyoming History Journal 

Stung into action by the loss of the unguarded sup- 
ply trains and Brigham Young's ultimatum, Colonel 
Alexander finally understood he was at war. On Octo- 
ber 9. he notified the Adjutant General of the Army 
that he was assuming command of the troops of the 5th 
Infantry and Phelp"s and Reno's batteries of the 4th 
Artiller>. all of which were now encamped together 
with his 10th U.S. Infantry on Ham's Fork. He named 
this encampment Camp Winfield in honor of General 
Scott. It was located about 15 miles from the junction 
with Black's Fork, and about 30 miles northwest of 
Fort Bridger.-^ He met Van Vliet returning from Salt 
Lake City on September 21. Van Vliet warned him 
that the Mormons would not permit the column to en- 
ter the Salt Lake Valley, but that he could probably 
winter safely at Fort Bridger and Fort Supply.-" 

Colonel Alexander was now intent on entering the 
Salt Lake Valley. He decided the Echo Canyon route 
was not a viable choice, nor did he plan on wintering 
over on Black's Fork. Instead, in his letter assuming 
command he laid out his own plan: 

After much deliberation, and assisted by the counsel 
of the senior officers. I determined to move the troops 
by the following route: up Ham's fork about eighteen 
miles, to the road called Sublette's cut-off; along that 
road to Bear river and Soda Spring, on arriving at Soda 
Spring two routes will be open — one down Bear River 
valley, towards 

Salt Lake, one to the northwest towards the Wind 
River mountains — where good valleys for wintering 
the troops and stock can be found. 

The adoption of one of these will be decided by the 
following circumstances: if the force under my com- 
mand is sufficient to overcome the resistance I expect 
to meet at Soda Spring. 1 shall endeavor to force my 
way into the valley of the Bear river and occupy some 
Mormon villages, because I am under the impression 
that the Mormons after a defeat, would be willing and 
bring provisions for sale. The supplies on hand will 
last six months; and if I can get possession of a town in 
the Bear River valley, I can easily fortify it and hold it 
all winter.^" 

Two messengers who had carried dispatches from 
Fort Laramie to Colonel Alexander stopped at Colonel 
Johnston's camp at Three Rivers Crossing of 
Sweetwater on their return. They had a message from 
Colonel Alexander to Lt. Colonel C. F. Smith, Execu- 
tive Officer of the 1 0th Infantry, to protect the remain- 
ing supply trains behind the main column.^' Smith 
commanded the two companies of the 10th Infantry 
that left Minnesota after the rest of the regiment, and 
were now trying to catch up to the main column. 

Alexander thought that Smith was closer than he was, 
and stronger. Smith, whose command was a day ahead 
of Johnston's party, only had 22 men. He left 47 at 
Fort Laramie to augment the governor's escort. They, 
together with two companies of dragoons, and 25 dra- 
goons of Colonel Johnston's escort that were left be- 
hind at Fort Laramie to recuperate, were four days' 
march behind Colonel Johnston. 

Following this element was the balance of the 2nd 
Dragoons. The other four companies, D, E, H, and K, 
remained in Kansas as part of General Harney's force. 
Johnston ordered the troops four days behind him to 
move forward as quickly as possible and reinforce 
Colonel Smith, while he planned to catch up with Smith 
by the evening of the following day. 

The messengers also informed Colonel Johnston of 
Colonel Alexander's plans to move on Salt Lake City. 
Johnston was astounded. In report to army headquar- 
ters in New York City, he wrote: 

The expressman says Colonel Alexander would at- 
tempt to reach the valley of Salt Lake by the Bear river; 
it is much further than by the usual route, and why he 
selects it I could not learn, unless from the probability 
of the grass being burned by the Mormons on the di- 
rect route. These men say that it is certain they will 
bum the grass on the route they are about to pursue. 
Under these circumstances, if I could communicate 
with Colonel Alexander, I would direct him to take up 
a good position for the winter on Ham's Fork. The road 
is beset between this and Ham's Fork by companies of 
Mormons, so it is doubtfiil whether I shall be able to 
communicate with Colonel Alexander." 

On October 1 1, Colonel Alexander put his plan in 
motion. The total column was nine miles long. Colo- 
nel Alexander sent Captain Randolph Marcy and his 
company on patrol to intercept the Mormon guerrillas, 
with orders not to fire unless fired upon. Marcy found 
Lot Smith and surrounded him. However, Smith man- 
aged to escape. On their way back to join the main 
Mormon column, two of the guerrillas. Major Joseph 
Taylor and his adjutant, entered Marcy's camp under 
the mistaken impression it was that of Col. R. T. Bur- 
ton, commander of one of the other Mormon guerrilla 
parties. They were taken prisoner. While Colonel 
Alexander was not impressed by Taylor's exaggerated 
statements of Mormon strength, he was impressed by 
the orders Taylor was carrying from General Wells, 

■^* Annual Report of the War Department, 1857, 29-31. 
''> Ibid.; Hafen and Hafen, 220-246. 
"* Annual Report of the War Department, 1857, 29-31. 
^' Annual Report of the War Department, 1857, 34-35. 
" Ibid 

Winter 2000 


dated Cache Cave, Headquarters Eastern Expedition. 
October 4. 1867, to "burn grass, stampede animals, 
alarm camps, cut down logs across the road, destroy 
fords — If the troops have not passed, or have turned in 
this direction, follow in the rear, and continue to annoy 
them, burning any trains they may leave. Take no life, 
but destroy their trains and stampede or drive away 
their animals at every opportunity."" 

The column had advanced some 35 miles from its 
starting point. The trail was becoming increasingly 
rough, and forage was scarce, and Alexander now real- 
ized that Lt. Colonel Smith with the balance of the 
troops were too far behind to reinforce him. The effect 
of these factors and General Wells" order, was further 
exacerbated when a violent blizzard struck the column 
on October 18. 

Again. Alexander seemed to be paralyzed. After a 
conference with his subordinate officers, he decided to 
turn the column around and go back to Camp Winfield 
and establish w inter quarters there. For some inexpli- 
cable reason, he stayed where he was for another ten 
days. Captain Jesse A. Gove, one of the 1 0th Infantry 
company commanders, expressed his feelings, and 
probably those of the rest of the officers when he w rote, 
"Under the circumstances, and the number of days time 
lost, he is compelled to the best thing that could be 
done. Such childlike conduct is disgraceful to the ser- 
vice, and he is eternally disgraced."" 

Using the services of Eli Dufor. one of Alexander's 
couriers. Colonel Johnston decided to try to get an or- 
der through the Mormon guerrillas to Alexander, as- 
suming command of the column, and trying to fore- 
stall what he felt was a serious error on Alexander's 
part. On October 1 6 he dispatched the following order: 


Comd'g the advance of the Army of Utah 

Sir: Colonel Johnston wishes to concentrate the com- 
mand with the view of wintering in an eligible spot 
already selected. To effect this, and not cause suspi- 
cion of the intention, he wishes you to proceed by slow 
marches moving your camp short distances, and gradu- 
ally working your way by Sublette's road to or near 
the mouth of Fontenelle Creek, so that he can join you 
about eleven days hence with this command and all 
the trains now in your rear. The route has been indi- 
cated to the bearer, DuFour. 

Although I enclose the order of Colonel Johnston 
assuming command he wishes you to give all neces- 
sary orders, and to treat as enemies all who oppose 
your march, molest your trains, appear in arms on your 
route, or in any manner annoy you.'- 




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Philip S!. George Cooke 

On October 20, Colonel Johnston's instructions 
reached Alexander. Alexander continued his withdrawal 
for two more days, then sent a messenger to Colonel 
Johnston, pointing out that joining forces at Fontenelle 
Creek would require him to march some 40 miles out 
of his way. and that any further move after that would 
be difficult, if not impossible with his exhausted ani- 
mals. He decided to stay camped where he was until he 
received additional orders from Colonel Johnston. On 
October 26. he received orders to move to Black's Fork 
and meet Colonel Johnston, who was waiting at South 
Pass for the balance of the troops and supply trains, 
except for Lt. Colonel Philip St. George Cooke's dra- 
goons, to catch up with him. 

" "Order. General H. D. Well, Headquarters Eastern Expedi- 
tion. Camp at Cache Cave. October 4, 1867. to Major Joseph 
Taylor." State Department. L'lah Ternloi'tal Papers. 1853-JS~3. 
[National .-XrchiNes. Microcopy M-12. Reel 1.] 

^ Hammond. 80. 

" Hafen and Hafen. 151-152. Eli Dufor was an expressman 
(messenger) with Alexander's column who was returning after 
carrying dispatches east. 


Annals oi Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal 

Heavy snows delayed the rear elements and the sup- 
ply trains. On October 26 the column was organized, 
and moved out to meet Alexander. The forces joined 
on November 3. For the first time since the campaign 
started, all the troops, except Lt. Colonel Cooke's dra- 
goons, were in one place under one command.'"' 

All thoughts of tr> ing to enter that Salt Lake Valley 
before the spring of 1 858 were abandoned. Originally, 
Colonel Johnston planned on wintering on Henry's 
Fork, about 20 miles southeast of Fort Bridger, near 
the present Wyoming-Utah border. In his October 18 
report to General Scott he stated. "It [the valley of 
Henr\'"s Fork] is a commanding position and acces- 
sible two months earlier for re-enforcement and sup- 
plies by Cheyenne Pass than any other, and will enable 
me to march by Fort Bridger and on the most direct 
route to Salt Lake Cit\ as soon as practicable in the 
spring"" This is the first consideration of the Chey- 
enne Pass-Bridger Pass trail as a potential military sup- 
ply route.'*' 

Johnston changed his plan, deciding to move on Fort 
Bridger. displace the Mormons holding it. and estab- 

lish his winter quarters there. Fort Bridger was located 
in a sheltered valley, had ample forage and water, and 
would provide shelter for the troops through the win- 
ter. He could still use the Cheyenne Pass-Bridger Pass 
road for early supply and re-enforcement and Fort 
Bridger would provide an excellent logistical base for 
a spring campaign against the Salt Lake valley. 

The animals in Alexander's column were in bad shape 
and the men were short of food and other supplies. 
Colonel Johnston took two days to reorganize the col- 
umn, recruit the animals, and distribute supplies. The 
two days proved critical. On November 6 the column 
began its advance on Fort Bridger in a blizzard of freez- 
ing rain and snow. Captain Jesse Gove wrote his wife, 
"I got in camp nearly frozen, a more disagreeable day's 
duty I never experienced."" The column, in as close 
an order as it could safely travel, occupied thirteen to 
fourteen miles of road. Since this exceeded its daily 
rate of travel, by almost double, the end of the column 
could not start its day's march until the head had al- 
ready gone into camp. The vanguard of the train es- 
sentially was a day ahead of the rear guard.. 

On November 9, Captain Gove wrote, "Today is our 
2d day's march, made about 7 miles, animals lying 
along the road about every rod, almost, and daily and 
hourly are dying — hundreds of animals die every 24 
hours.'""' The column moved at a snail's pace. A sea- 
son of migration and freight traffic, and now the huge 
military column, had depleted the forage along the road. 
The animals were not only faced with intense cold but 
with a lack of food and water as well. So many draft 
animals died, the remaining ones had to be sent back 
to retrieve wagons abandoned along the trail. The only 
fuel available to the troops was the sparse sagebrush 
found on the hills, buried in the snow and ice. 

The head of the column reached Fort Bridger No- 
vember 17; it had taken nine days to travel 35 miles. 
Lt. Colonel Cooke and the 2d Dragoons closed on Fort 
Bridgertwo days later. They still had 144 of their horses, 
and had lost 1 34. Colonel Cooke described the last part 

^^ Charles P. Roland. Albert Sidney Johnston, Soldier of Three 
Republics. (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1964), 193-195; 
Hammond, 82-89. 

" Hafen and Hafen., 156. 

'* The Cheyenne Pass-Bridger Pass Trail was used by Captain 
Howard Stansbury, U.S. Topographical Engineers, on his return 
trip from mapping the Salt Lake Valley in 1 849- 1850. Jim Bridger 
was his guide. The route was further mapped, explored, and im- 
proved by Lieutenant Francis T. Bryan, U.S. Topographical En- 
gineers, during two expeditions in 1856 and 1857. 

5' Hammond., 90, 

'" Hammond., 92, 

Winter 2000 


of the trip from South Pass in the following terms: 

Much of the loss has occurred much this side of the 
South Pass, in comparatively moderate weather. It has 
been starvation. The earth has a no more lifeless, tree- 
less, grassiess desert; it contains scarcely a wolf to glut 
itself on the hundreds of dead and frozen animals 
which for thirty miles nearly block the road with aban- 
doned and shattered property; they mark, perhaps be- 
yond example in history, the steps of an advancing army 
with the horrors of a disastrous retreat. ■" 

While encamped at Pacific Springs, just west of South 
Pass, the thermometers of the 2d Dragoons read -13 
degrees. The next day, ail of the thermometers were 
found to be broken. The only fuel was sagebrush, bur- 
ied under two feet of snow. The surviving horses, too 
weak to be ridden, were mostly led. There was no for- 
age available, and the last grain was fed on November 

The troops arrived to find a burned-out shell. The 
Mormons withdrew from Camp Supply, some ten miles 
south of Fort Bridger, and Fort Bridger, in late Sep- 
tember, and set fire to both on October 2.^' General 
Johnston moved two miles up Black's Fork from Fort 
Bridger and established his headquarters with his staff 
and the majority of the troops. This post was named 
"Camp Scott," after the General-in-Chief 

The new Utah territorial officials and their wives and 
servants lived in a separate encampment a short dis- 
tance away, which was named "Ecclesville," after 
Delana R. Eccles, the new chief justice of Utah. This 
encampment was also home to the supply trains that 
survived Lot Smith's raid, the regimental sutler's wag- 
ons, and the wagons of private contractors, bound for 
Utah, that were intercepted by the army. 

The Mormons had built a protective wall of mor- 
tared cobblestone at Fort Bridger. This was further for- 
tified, and facilities built to store the remaining sup- 
plies. Two companies of infantry were assigned to man 
the post. Lt. Colonel Cooke and the 2d Dragoons, to- 
gether with the civilian herdsmen, were sent to Henry's 
Fork with between 6,000-7,000 head of cattle, mules, 
and horses to winter pasture in the valley." 

Colonel Johnston took inventory of the remaining 
supplies and livestock. The loss of the three wagon 
trains, and the cattle lost to the Indians, the Mormons, 
and the weather, demanded that immediate steps be 
taken if the more than 2,500 soldiers and civilians in 
the camp were going to survive the winter. On No- 
vember 27, Captain Randolph Marcy of the 5th Infan- 
try, together with 40 enlisted men, all volunteers, and 
twenty-four civilian volunteers, including the moun- 

tain men, Tim Goodale and Jim Baker as guides, set 
out for Fort Massachusetts, New Mexico, 634 miles 
southeast of Camp Scott. Marcy already hada reputa- 
tion as an outstanding leader and was a noted western 
explorer.^^ Jim Bridger advised against the enterprise, 
but Marcy was undeterred. He moved south to Henry's 
Fork, then crossed the Uintah Mountains. He passed 
through the Colorado Rockies in deep snow. The last 
of their rations were issued on January 1, 1858, and 
they then subsisted on their mules. On January 1 8, they 
marched into Fort Massachusetts, having lost one man. 
Sergeant William Morton, who died of over-exertion 
and exposure. 

Marcy started his return trip from Fort Union in early 
March with 1,100 mules, 200 horses, 100 oxen and 
1,700 sheep accompanied by a force of 250 men. They 
crossed Raton Pass, then proceeded up the front range 
on the Taos-Fort Laramie trail. At Pueblo, they were 
intercepted by a messenger with instructions to wait 
for Colonel W. W. Loring and reinforcements consist- 
ing of one company of the Mounted Rifies and two 
companies of the 3d Infantry from Fort Union. Colo- 
nel-now Brevet Brigadier General-Johnston^'' was in- 
formed by a prisoner that the Monnons intended to 
intercept and capture Marcy's herds so he requested 
the reinforcements. Since Colonel Loring did not ar- 
rive until April 28, Marcy lost 35 days of travel time. 
The entire company, now under Loring's command, 
continued up the Taos-Fort Laramie trail. After cross- 
ing the Cache la Poudre River, they followed the Chero- 
kee-California trail (Evans' 1849 route) across the 
Laramie Valley to the Medicine Bow River and its in- 
tersection with Lieutenant Bryan's road; they went 

■" Hamilton Gardner. "March of the 2d Dragoons. Report of 
Lieutenant Colonel Philip St. George Cooke on the March of the 
2d Dragoons from Fort Leavenworth to Fort Bridger in 1857." 
Annals of Wyoming 27 (April 1955). 57. 

*^ General Samuel W. Ferguson [C.S.A.]. "With Albert Sidney 
Johnston's Expedition to Utah, 1857,"" Kansas Historical Collec- 
tions. Volume XII. 1911-1912, 309. 

*^ Fred R.Gowens and Eugene E. Campbell. Fort Bridger. Is- 
land in the Wilderness. (Provo: Brigham Young University Press, 
1975), 99. 

" Gardner, 60; Ferguson, 310. 

■" W. Eugene Hollon. Beyond Cross Timbers: The Travels of 
Randolph B Marcy. (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 
1955). His guide book. The Prairie Traveler, was published by 
Harper Brothers in 1859. and is considered to be one of the most 
accurate and informative books of its kind. 

■"■ Colonel Johnston was promoted to Brevet Brigadier Gen- 
eral November 18, 1857 for "meritorious conduct in the ability, 
zeal, energy and prudence displayed by him in command of the 
army in Utah." Francis B. Heitman, Historical Register and Dic- 
tionary of the United States .Army. (Washington: Government 
Printing Otllce, 1903), I: 557-558^ 


Annals of Wyoming; The Wyoming History Journal 

Fort Bridger, winter of 1868, engraving published in Frank Leslie's Illustrated Newspaper. July 10. 1858. 

Fort Bridger. winter of 2857-1858. The headquarters tent is in the left center with the flag staff in front. 
Since all of the tents in this picture are wall tents rather than Sibley tents, they could be for supplies rather 
than troops. 

Winter 2000 


east at the Platte River, missing Bridger"s Pass: then 
by way of Bitter Creek and the Green River to Fort 
Bridger and Camp Scott, arriving on June 10. having 
traveled a distance of 741 miles from Fort Union to 
Camp Scott. Marcy estimated that without the wait for 
Loring. he could have made it in 55 days, arriving at 
Camp Scott about May 5."" 

On December 5, nine days after Marcy' s expedition 
left for New Mexico. Johnston dispatched another ex- 
pedition to the northwest under the command of Ben- 
jamin F. Ficklin/* Ficklin was an engineer on the De- 
partment of Interior's project to build a wagon road 
from Fort Kearney to Honey Lake under the superin- 
tendency of .William M. F. Magraw. Magraw offered 
his 61 men and eighteen wagons and mule teams to 
Johnston. Forty-one of the 61. including Ficklin. vol- 
unteered for military ser\ ice. 

Ficklin left Camp Scott with a part> of ten men. 
twelve horses, six mules, thirty days" rations, and four 
gallons of whisky with instructions to go to the Flat- 
head country' and try to buy 500 head of cattle for de- 
livery to Camp Scott by April I, 1858. In order to avoid 
Mormon guerillas, he traveled up Ham's Fork to the 
California Trail and followed it to Soda Spring. He 
then went straight across the mountains to the Snake 
River. He traveled to the headwaters of the Missouri. 
the Flathead valley. He contracted with some moun- 
taineers for deliver) of 300 cattle and 100 horses. 

Both the mountaineers and the Indians were afraid 

of the Mormons. The mountaineers backed out of their 
contract, and both the Indians and mountaineers told 
him that in the spring they planned to move their stock 
to Fort Walla Walla out of the reach of the Mormons. 
After a long and arduous trip through snow, rain and 
cold, he returned to Camp S«ott on April 15, 1858. 

A third expedition left Camp Scott on December 1 
to explore the practicality of using Stansbur>"s route 
from Fort Bridger via Bridger Pass and Cheyenne Pass 
to Fort Laramie. Johnston was interested in it as an 
altemati\ e to the South Pass route for three reasons: it 
might take some of the pressure off the South Pass route, 
particularly in respect to the three essentials, fodder, 
water and fuel: it might be passable earlier in the spring; 
and. it might be safer than the South Pass route from 
Mormon guerrilla interdiction. Chosen for this expedi- 
tion were John Bartletson. a now unemployed Russell. 

■" "AtTairs in Utah." letter. Captain Marcy to Major Porter. 
Annua! Report of the War Department. 1858. Volume I. Part II. 
No. 88. pp. 187-195; No. 92. letter. Captain Marcy to the Secre- 
tary of War, 220-22 1 . [National Archives Microcopy Number 997. 
Roil Number 11.) 

^* Benjamin Franklin Ficklin. a graduate of Virginia Military 
Institute, was a veteran of seven battles in the Mexican War. He 
was associated with many western transportation activities, both 
before and after the Civil War. During the war. he was Virginia 
State Quartermaster General, a blockade runner, and a Confeder- 
ate purchasing agent in Europe. 

'" .Annual Report oj the War Department. IS5S. 68. 

Capt. Randolph B. Marcy and his expedition arrived at Fort Massachusetts on January 18. 1858. 


Annals oi Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal 

Majors and Waddell wagon master who had joined the 
volunteer battalion,'" and Antoine Janis [Jeanise], one 
of Johnston's guides. An expressman left Camp Scott 
for Fort Laramie via the South Pass road at the same 
time. Bartletson and Janis arrived at Fort Laramie on 
December 2 1 , three days after the expressman who went 
via South Pass. Bartletson told Major Lynde, Com- 
manding Officer of Fort Laramie, that it would take 
200 men twelve months to make the road tolerably 
passable. Lynde sent the detailed trip diary back to 
Johnston's headquarters. In turn, Johnston forwarded 
it to army headquarters in New York City." 

Major Fitz John Porter, Colonel Johnston's adjutant, 
and Jim Bridger examined Bartletson's journal, com- 
pared it with Stansbury's, and concluded that Bartletson 
and Janis had, in fact, deviated materially from the route 
taken by Captain Stansbury's party in 1850 under 
Bridger's guidance. Bridger assured Colonel Johnston 
that the Stansbury route, via Bridger Pass and Chey- 
enne Pass could be made passable with very little cost 
and could be used earlier and was shorter and safer 
than South Pass. Colonel Johnston, in a February 13 
letter to the Adjutant General of the Army, passed on 
this information, and requested that the route be read- 
ied for use in the spring. He was particularly interested 
in securing the mail from Mormon interdiction." 

On November 13, Johnston had sent a dispatch to 
Major Hoffman, commanding Fort Laramie, request- 
ing him to send forward a pack-train of 30 mules, each 
loaded with about one hundred pounds of sah. On No- 

Regimental band, Camp Scott. 1857-1858 

vember 26, Brigham Young sent two emissaries and 
800 pounds of sah to Camp Scott. His letter stated, 
"Being reliably informed that your command and the 
men belonging to the merchant trains, are much in need 
of salt, I have taken the liberty to at once forward you 
a load — ." He also noted that he had Colonel 
Alexander's white mule in his stables, "subject to your 
order; but should you prefer leaving it in my care dur- 
ing the winter, it will probably be in better plight for 
your use upon your return to the east in the spring."" 
Johnston angrily refused the sah. He did not send 
Brigham Young a written reply, but told his emissaries 
to inform Young not to try and communicate with him, 
except under a white flag, or he would hang any fur- 
ther emissaries as traitors.'" The obvious fact that the 
contents of his dispatches back east were known in Salt 
Lake City as fast, or faster than they were by the per- 
son for whom they were intended, greatly troubled 
Johnston. He increased the security in and around his 
camps, and despite the weather, he sent out far-rang- 
ing patrols to try and intercept Mormon patrols. As far 
as he was concerned, his force was on a full, war-time 

'" Colonel Johnston enlisted many of the members of the wagon 
train crews, as well as members of the Department of Interior 
road crew, in a special battalion of "volunteers" under command 
of Captain Bernard E. Bee, 10* U.S. Infantry, Bee, later a Briga- 
dier General, C.S.A., was killed at Bull Run. 

" Annual Report of the War Department. 1858. 48. 

" Ibid.. 52. 

" Hafen and Hafen, 167-168. 

'•' Hammond, 103. 

Winter 2000 


footing, and only the weather prevented open conflict. 

The troops settled in for the winter with the remain- 
ing supplies under cover and under guard in the forti- 
fied remains of Fort Bridger; the command headquar- 
ters at Camp Scott; and, the remaining livestock pas- 
tured on Henry's Fork under the watchful eyes of Lt. 
Colonel Cooke and his 2d Dragoons. Fortunately, the 
wall tents, Sibley tents, Sibley stoves,-' and troop bed- 
ding were in the wagons of the various commands, not 
in the wagon trains burned by the Mormon guerillas. 
The tents, augmented with log and dirt lean-tos, pro- 
vided adequate shelter for the troops. In his February 
5. 1 858, report to Army Headquarters, Colonel Johnston 
stated that the health, discipline and efficiency of his 
troops was entirely satisfactory.^" 

In Washington, in the meantime, both the fate and 
the future of the Utah Expedition were the subjects of 
some concern. On January II, 1858, Army Headquar- 
ters Circular Number 1 was issued. It established the 
reinforcements to be sent to the Utah Expedition in the 
spring. In addition to 850 recruits and 44 officers re- 
quired to bring the units in the expedition up to full 
strength, the entire 1st Cavalry, two more companies 
of the 1st Dragoons, ten companies of the 6th Infantry 
Regiment, ten companies of the 7th Infantry Regiment 

and two light companies of the 2d Artillery Regiment 
were ordered to join the expedition. This would bring 
the total strength of the expedition to 251 officers and 
5,335 men. At the same time, the aggregate strength 
of the entire army was only 1 7,000 officers and men." 
The troops were to rendezvous at Fort Leavenworth 
as early in the spring as possible. They were to be fully 
equipped and carry' with them three months" rations 
for consumption en route and a full years" supply for 
the entire expedition. An additional eight months" sup- 
ply was to be sent forward to Fort Laramie prior to 
winter. The troop columns included nine traveling 
forges, 22 ambulances, 29 light wagons, 988 baggage 
wagons. 6.447 mules and 254 horses. The supply sup- 
port was-expected to require 3,956 wagons and car- 
riages, and 53,430 draft animals.'^ 

'" The Sibley tent and Sibley stove were inventions of Captain 
Henry H, Sibley. Sibley ultimately attained the rank of Brigadier 
General in the Confederate army. The tent was conical in shape, 
the stove, too. was conical, and was placed in the center of the 
tent. It was an effective winter shelter, and continued in use until 
after the turn of the century, 

-*" Annual Report of the War Department. I85S. 48. 

" Ibid. 31. 

^« Ibid. 797. 

... ^; 

Wood detail. Camp Scott, 1858 

Utah State Historical Societv 


Annals of Wyoming: Tne Wyoming History J 


In reporting on the expedition in iiis annual report, 
Secretary of War John B. Floyd said: 

The conduct of both officers and men attached to 
the army of Utah has been worthy of praise. The com- 
mander, Bre\ et Brigadier General A. S. Johnston, who 
joined his command at a time of great trial and em- 
barrassment, with a calm and lofty bearing, with a 
true and manly sympathy for all around him, infused 
into his command a spirit of serenity and content- 
ment which amounted to cheerfulness, amidst uncom- 
mon hardships and privations which were unabated 
throughout the tedious and inclement season of the 

While the War Department planned to increase the 
size of the expedition, the Utah question became a 
matter of congressional debate. With so much of the 
regular army already engaged in the Utah expedition, 
and such a much larger force required by spring, the 
President Buchanan and Secretary Floyd asked Con- 
gress to authorize an increase in the size of the army. 
On January 2 1 , Senator Jefferson Davis, Senate Com- 
mittee on Military Affairs, reported Senate Bill Num- 
ber 79 which would increase the military establishment 
by five infantry regiments, 6,000 men. The increase in 
military strength and the resolution of the "Utah Ques- 
tion" became inextricably intertwined in a debate that 
extended through almost the entire following month. 

Senator Robert Toombs of Georgia raised the ques- 
tion of the President's power to take action. He stated, 
■'As to the Mormon war, it is not yet a fact. Congress, 
which alone has the power to make war, has not spo- 
ken; and it is very certain, unless our country has un- 
dergone a silent revolution, that the President cannot 
make that war."*" Senator John Bell of Tennessee ques- 
tioned the reasons for the expedition, as well as the 
humanity of it, opposing both an increase in the strength 
of the army and the continuation of the expedition. 
Ironically, Senator Alfi-ed Iverson of Georgia stated that 
it was not a war "in the technical sense of the term"-- 
but that it was a rebellion and it was necessary on the 
part of the government to crush it.*' 

One of the strongest congressional opponents to both 
the increase in the strength of the army and the Utah 
Expedition was Senator Sam Houston of Texas. He 
expressed the opinion that for humanitarian reasons it 
would be a serious mistake to pursue the invasion of 
Utah. Further, in military terms, because of the scorched 
earth policy employed by the Mormons in the Bridger 
Valley, and promised for the Sah Lake Valley, it could 
be a catastrophe of the magnitude of that suffered by 
Napoleon in Russia." 

With various amendments, the bill voted upon on 
February 25 called for the President to call for volun- 
teers for no more than twelve months' service. With 
the total force not to exceed 3,000 officers and men. 
The bill was defeated by a vote of 35 to 16." 

There was a certain amount of suspicion on the part 
of some Northern congressmen and newspapers that 
Secretary of War Floyd, a known Southern sympathizer, 
and others in both the Congress and the administra- 
tion, wanted to get as much of the regular army moved 
into the western theatre in order that the troops would 
be unavailable for immediate employment in the event 
of a conflict between the northern and southern states. 
A few, like Senator Sam Houston, felt that while the 
"Mormon problem" must be resolved, the approach 
taken by President Buchanan could only exacerbate the 
situation, not resolve it. Still others advocated the use 
of state militia troops, or, as in the case of the final 
measure, short-term volunteers, primarily out of oppo- 
sition to a large standing army. The message sent to 
President Buchanan and the administration was that 
the Mormon question would have to be resolved, but 
with the resources currently available. 

A possible solution came from an unexpected source. 
Thomas L. Kane, an attorney from Philadelphia, while 
not a Mormon, had long been interested in them. He 
spent time with them after their expulsion from Nauvoo, 
Illinois, and after his return to Philadelphia, wrote a 
book about his experiences. Kane approached Presi- 
dent Buchanan with the proposition that he would be 
willing to serve as an envoy to try to resolve the prob- 
lem in a peacefiil manner. Buchanan approved of Kane's 
approach, but would not officially appoint him or en- 
dorse his effort. Kane went to Salt Lake City at his 
own expense— by steamer to Panama, steamer to Los 
Angeles, then by horseback to Salt Lake City. He left 
New York City January 5, 1858, and arrived in SaU 
Lake City February 25, traveling under the alias of "Dr. 

After several consultations with Brigham Young and 
other Mormon officials, Kane left Salt Lake City for 
Fort Bridger with a Mormon escort. The escort left him 

'" Ibid. 7. 

'"'' The Congressional Globe: The Debates and Proceeding of 
the First Session of the Thirty-fifth Congress: also of the Special 
Session of the Senate. 407. 

"' Ibid. Later, Senator Iverson was one of the most out-spoken 
secessionists in Congress. His son, Alfred, Jr., was a lieutenant in 
the U.S. 1" Cavalry Regiment, and attained the rank of Brigadier 
General in the Confederate cavalry. 

"- Ibid. 873-874. 

" Ibid. 876. 

Winter 2000 


about ten miles from Fort Bridger. He entered the de- 
fense perimeter through Captain Gove's company. After 
some difficulty over his identity, he was escorted to 
Governor Gumming. -"" In a March 24 report to Secre- 
tary of State Cass, Gumming wrote: 

A highly respectable gentleman arrived in this camp 
from Great Salt Lake City. Whilst there he had fre- 
quent conversations with Brigham Young and other 
prominent persons — The gentleman referred to has 
written fully to another in Washington — His letter 
which will go in the present mail will be exhibited to 

The weather is becoming more mild. The snow will 
soon cease to be an impediment to travel on the moun- 
tain road. It is my personal intention to visit the City 
in a short time when I will have an opportunity of com- 
municating with the people before the army shall have 
moved. I hope that the proposed arrangement will meet 
your approval. Other civil officers will await my re- 
turn. "- 

The "highly respectable gentleman" was Thomas 
Kane. Kane was coldly received by General Johnston 
and the military, who suspected that he was, at the very 
least, a spy. Kane brought an offer from Brigham Young 
to Johnston to supply the arniy with needed rations. 
Johnston curtly refused. From his attitude toward Kane, 
and reports to the War Department, there was a strong 
suspicion on the part of Kane and Governor Gumming 
that Johnston intended to take the Salt Lake valley by 
force. It was also reported that Kane's Mormon escort 
to Fort Bridger, under Lewis Robinson, was fired on 
by Johnston's troops. Kane felt it was incumbent upon 
him to return to Salt Lake City, tell Brigham Young 
that Governor Gumming was willing to enter without 
the army, and that Colonel Johnston seemed intent on 
military action. 

Cumming's decision to enter Salt Lake City ahead 
of the army was the first overt evidence of his growing 
rift with General Johnston. When Kane returned to Fort 
Bridger, he and Governor Gumming left Fort Bridger 
on April 5, and arrived in Salt Lake City on April 12. 
He met parties of armed Monnons in several places 
before Echo Canyon, and all saluted him and acknowl- 
edged him as the governor. His escort commander told 
him they would pass through Echo Canyon at night. 
His initial reaction was that they wished to conceal their 
fortifications. Instead, he found the entire route and 
hillsides illuminated with bonfires in his honor. 

On his arrival in Salt Lake City, he found all the 
Federal records, books, and other property to be present 
and in perfect order. He also noted that Salt Lake City, 

all of the northern settlements and farms were being 
evacuated, and the population were moving south in 
anticipation of the army's arrival. "'Going South' seems 
sufficiently detlnite for most of them — but many be- 
lieve that their ultimate destination is Sonora.""" The 
majority of the population seemed convinced that 
Johnston and the army intended to subject them to the 
same treatment they received previously in Ohio, Mis- 
souri and Illinois. They intended to retreat out of reach 
and leave the Salt Lake valley, their farms and settle- 
ments a useless, scorched ruin. 

At army headquarters in New York, the War Depart- 
ment in Washington, and Fort Leavenworth, the desig- 
nated mobilization center, the plans for the reinforce- 
ment and resupply of the Utah Expedition continued. 
The basic plan called for the troop units and supply 
trains to move forward in echelons so that the fuel, 
forage, and water resources of the trails would not be 
overtaxed and congestion reduced. On April 27. 1 858, 
Lt. Colonel George Andrews, commanding the 6th In- 
fantry Regiment, received orders to proceed to Fort 
Bridger via the Cheyenne Pass-Bridger Pass route. He 
was instructed that "[instructions] — in regard to your 
route, shall be kept secret until they develop themselves 
to your command as you progress." In keeping with 
General Johnston's request, the route was chosen "for 
the objective of having your forces early with the force 
now in Utah, and to get it out of the way of troops that 
will follow on the route.""' Lieutenant Francis T. Bryan, 
Topographical Engineers, who had explored, mapped 
and improved the trail the two previous years, was se- 
lected to serve as engineering advisor to the column. 
He had Company A, U.S. Army Engineers from West 
Point, and a detachment of 24 men under Lieutenant 
William P. Carlin, 6th Infantry, to make up the pioneer 
party to move ahead of the column and prepare and 
mark the trail. The command reached Fort Bridger on 
August 5."^ 

On April 7, at the same time the army was preparing 
its invasion of the Salt Lake Valley, President Buchanan 
appointed Lazarus W. Powell, Senator-Elect from Ken- 

"■' Haten and Hafen. 270-271. 

''■ Letter. Alfred Cumming. Governor of Utah, to the Honor- 
able Lewis Cass. Secretar> of State. March 24. 1858. Utah Tern- 
lorial Papers. 1 853- 1 8~ 3. 

"" Letter. Alfred Cumming to Lewis Cass. May 2. 1858. i'lali 
Territorial Paper. 1853-I8~3 

'■' "Order, Major D. C. Buell. Assistant Adjutant General. Head- 
quarters Utah Forces. St. Louis Missouri, to Lt. Colonel George 
Andrews. Commanding 5"' Infantry, Fort Leavenworth. Kansas. 
April 27. \85S." Annual Report of the War Department. 1858. 104. 

"* Ibid.lM. 


Annals oi ^^JC^oming: Tne ^OC^oming History Journal 

tuckv. and Ben McCulloch from Texas, as commis- 
sioners to go to Salt Lake City to trv' to resolve the 
problem without the use of arms. The expedition was 
becoming both too expensive and too embarrassing for 
Buchanan, and the civilian casualties resulting from an 
invasion of Utah would be impossible for the adminis- 
tration to explain/'" 

The two commissioners carried a signed proclama- 
tion of pardon from President Buchanan to the people 
of Utah, to be used at the commissioners" discretion. 
The commissioners left Fort Leavenworth on April 27 
and arrived at Camp Scott on May 29. General Johnston 
was still awaiting the arrival of Captain Marcy with 
the replacement livestock, and a train of 156 wagons, 
1 .400 animals, two companies of cavalry and two com- 
panies of infantn under Brevet Lt. Colonel William 
Hoffrnan. 6th Infantr\', commander of Fort Laramie. 
Hoffman, who had been back East serving on a court- 
martial, left Fort Leavenworth February 28 and arrived 
at Fort Laramie April 12. Here, he combined his com- 
mand with four suppK' trains of Russell, Majors and 
Waddell and proceeded on to Camp Scott, arriving on 
June 9, the same day Captain Marcy and Colonel Loring 
arrived from New Mexico. They arrived in the middle 
of a raging blizzard, and Johnston's troops were living 
on quarter-rations of jerked beef"" 

The political situation, in the meantime, became 
somewhat complex. Kane and Governor Cumming left 
Salt Lake Cit> for Fort Bridgeron May 13. Kane went 
on to Washington by land, accompanied by a Mormon 
escort, earning dispatches to President Buchanan and 
Secretary' of State Cass from both Governor Cumming 
and Brigham Young. 

The relationship between Governor Cumming and 
General Johnston had deteriorated to the point where 
they communicated with each other only by written 
message. Cumming wrote to Johnston on May 2 1 that 
"there is at present no organized armed force of its in- 
habitants in any part of this Territory." He requested 
that mail service and wagon traffic into and out of Salt 
Lake City be allowed to resume.^' The same day. 
General Johnston replied that, "" — the troops under my 
command will oppose no farther the obstruction to the 
earning of the mails, or to the commercial pursuits, or 
to a free intercourse of the inhabitants of the territory."'^ 

Governor Cumming immediately returned to Salt 
Lake City with what he believed was the promise of 
General Johnston that he would not enter the Salt Lake 
Valley with his troops until after June 20, and then 
upon Cumming "s invitation. General Johnston figured 
that it would lake that long for Captain Marcy and 
Colonel Hof&nan to arrive, and for him to then remount 

Alfred Cumming of Georgia, appointed gover- 
nor of Utah by President Buchanan 

the 2d Dragoons and organize his troops and wagon 
trains for the move . 

Cumming immediately composed his own message 
of amnesty to the people of Utah to establish his posi- 
tion as governor before General Johnston and the troops 
entered the valley. He forwarded a copy of it to Secre- 
tary of State Cass on May 23, but actually did not de- 
liver it in Salt Lake City until June 14.'' 

The Peace Commissioners, L. W. Powell and Ben 
McCulloch, arrived in Salt Lake City on June 7. They, 
together with Governor Cumming, held a series of 
meetings with Brigham Young and other leaders of the 

" Hafen and Hafen, 329-332. 

'" George A. Root, "Extracts from Diary of Captain Lambert 
Bowman Wolf," Kansas Historical Quarterly 1 (1931-32) [Kan- 
sas Historical Collections 18], 105-209. 

" Letter, Cumming to Johnston, May 21, 1858, Utah Territo- 
rial Papers, roll 1 . 

'^ Ibid., lletter, Johnston to Cumming, Mpy 21, 1858. 

" Ibid., Letter, John Hartnett, Secretary of Utah, to Lewis 
Cass, Secretary of State, May 23, 1858, w/inclosure, Proclama- 
tion, "Governor Cumming to the Inhabitants of Utah." 

Winter 2000 


Mormon Church. These meetings confirmed to the 
presidential commissioners the willingness of the citi- 
zens of Utah, including the leaders of the church, to 
accept the new administration under Governor 
Gumming. The commissioners then issued the 
President's proclamation of pardon. 

The presence of the army in Utah was the final diffi- 
culty in the negotiation. The Mormons were assured 
that the major role of the army was to be the protection 
of the settlements and trails from the Indians, their per- 
sons and property would be safe and that there would 
be no military interference or persecution in respect to 
their religious beliefs. As a result, the Mormons finally 
accepted presence of the army as a necessary condi- 

General Johnston almost derailed the process. Based 
on Cumming's communications with Johnston and the 
plans as understood by the Commissioners, Brigham 
Young was informed that the army would depart the 
Fort Bridger area no earlier than June 20, and then only 
with the governor's approval. The Marcy-Loring com- 
mand and Colonel Hoffman arrived earlier than ex- 
pected, so General Johnston issued his orders without 
either notifying Gumming or awaiting his approval. He 
started his march from Fort Bridger to Salt Lake City 
with the first elements leaving Fort Bridger on June 
13. The early move of General Johnston was an em- 
barrassment to Governor Gumming and the Commis- 
sioners, and aroused the suspicions of Brigham Young 

and the Mormon leadership as to Johnston's intentions 
and in respect to the good faith of the negotiations.''' 

It irritated Gumming that General Johnston offered 
no explanation for his early departure and for not wait- 
ing for his message. He and the Commissioners finally 
were able to allay the Mormons' suspicions. 

The army passed into the Salt Lake Valley and ar- 
rived at— and passed through— a still largely deserted 
Salt Lake City on June 23. It was neither resisted nor 
received by the population. General Johnston wrote to 
the commissioners on June 14, "I learn with surprise 
that uneasiness is felt by the people as to the treatment 
they may receive from the army."" 

It is likely that Captain Gove's letter to his wife of 
June 17 more accurately expressed the feelings of the 
majority of the officers, including General Johnston, 
" — so you see we will have to give them a sound whip- 
ping, hang about 100 of them, and then the rest will 
submit. They have accepted only to gain time."'* 

Despite Governor Gumming and the amnesty, the 
population of Utah was still ready to scorch the earth 
of the valley and move south at the slightest indication 
that the arrival of the army might signal a repeat of 
Mormon experiences in Kirtland, Ohio, in Missouri, 
or in Nauvoo, Illinois. 

After extensive surveys of possible sites. General 

" Ibid.. Cumming to Cass, June 18, 1858. 
" Hafen and Hafen. 345. 
'" Hammond. 175. 

Utah State Historical Society, all rights reserved, photo #28144 
Fort Bridger from the northeast. June. 1858. Camp Scott is in the distance. 


Annals oi Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal 

Johnston decided on a fort location in the northern end 
of Cedar Valley, on the west side of Lake Utah, about 
36 miles southwest of Salt Lake City, near the settle- 
ment of Fairfield. It was close enough to the major 
population centers and trails that troops could be moved 
quickly if needed, yet far enough away to prevent fric- 
tion with the civilian population. The installation was 
named Camp Floyd, after the Secretary of War. 

Fairfield soon became a typical military base com- 
munity. Known as Frog Town or 'Doby Town by the 
troops, it was the antithesis of any normal Mormon 
settlement. The Mormons called it the Sodom and 
Gomorrah of the Great Basin. 

The Mormon War— the war that never was a war- 
was over. There \\ ere no battle casualties on either side; 
there were no military engagements and neither vic- 
tory nor loss for either side. The only casualties re- 
sulted from the bitter winter weather. Alexander 
Cumming assumed the governorship in the omnipres- 
ent shadow of Deseret, Brigham Young, and the Mor- 
mon hierarchy. While the facade of civil obedience 
existed, the Mormon Church remained the final arbi- 

The differences between General Johnston and Gov- 
ernor Cumming became increasingly acrimonious. 
New frictions over policy developed also between the 
governor. Chief Justice Delana R. Eckels and U.S. 
Marshal Peter Dotson. Brigham Young ordered the refu- 
gees who had gone south to return to Salt Lake City, 
their farms, and the other communities they had aban- 
doned. While the presence of the army was resented, it 
provided a badly needed infusion of hard cash into 
Utah's previous largely barter-based economy. Build- 
ing materials, labor, fuel, forage, and food to build and 
support Camp Floyd were obtained locally, and paid 
for in cash. Even Frog Town with its saloons, bordel- 
los, and casinos made its contribution to the cash fiow. 

Part of the troop units were reassigned immediately. 
The Sixth Infantry was assigned to Oregon and the 2d 
Dragoons were sent to California. The troops that had 
not left Fort Leavenworth were reassigned to other 
posts, and those en route were returned to their origi- 
nal posts. Immense amounts of supplies accumulated 
at Fort Kearny, Fort Laramie, and Fort Bridger. 

Fort Bridger became a permanent military establish- 
ment. General Johnston garrisoned it with three com- 
panies under the command of Major (Brevet Lt. Colo- 
nel ) William A. Hoffman. By the end of 1 858, Hoffman 
completed the reconstruction of the post with perma- 
nent buildings. William A. Carter, who arrived with 
the 2d Dragoons, remained at Fort Bridger as the post 
sutler. Ten years later, Wyoming Territory and ulti- 

mately the State of Wyoming benefitted because largely 
due to the political influence of Carter, Fort Bridger 
and the adjoining land constituting the northeast cor- 
ner of Utah was added to Wyoming Territory. 

While the 6th Infantry under the command of Lt. 
Colonel George Andrews, guided by Lt. Francis T. 
Bryan, Topographical Engineers, was the only unit of 
the expedition to use the Cheyenne Pass-Bridger Pass 
road, ultimately a portion of it became the basic route 
of the Overland Mail stages. Later, almost in its en- 
tirety, it was the route selected for the Union Pacific 
Railroad and the transcontinental highway system. 

While neither the United States nor Utah won or lost 
this armed test of wills, there was a major loser. Ironi- 
cally, Russell, Majors, and Waddell, the provider of 
the expedition's supply trains and the principal freight 
carrier on both the Oregon-California Trail and the 
Santa Fe Trail, was the loser. Its losses in support of 
the Utah Expedition were 14 freight trains and 1,906 
oxen, with a value of $230,208.20; the wages of the 
teamsters and agents stranded at Camp Scott in the 
winter of 1857-58 amounted to an additional 
$35,167.15, for a total $265,375.35. They also filed 
further claims against the government for $228,378.26 
for expenses over and above their contract agreement. 
This total of $493,772.61 was submitted to Congress 
for payment in February, 1860. None of it was ever 
paid, and this loss was a major contributing factor to 
the firm's bankruptcy and ultimate demise in 1861." 

'' Raymond W. Settle and Mary Lund Settle, "The Early Ca- 
reers of William Bradford Wadell and William Hepburn Russell: 
Frontier Capitalists," The Kansas Historical Quarterly, (Winter, 
1960), 378. 

Murray L. Carroll, a native of Laramie, is a 
graduate of the University of Wyoming. He 
earned the M. S. degree in transportation and 
logistics from the University of Tennessee, the 
M. A. in government from the College of Will- 
iam and Mary, and the Ph.D. in political sci- 
ence from the University of Connecticut. He re- 
tired as a lieutentant colonel after a 26-year 
career in the U. S. Army. A widely published 
author with a specialization in Western and mili- 
tary history, he has taught political science at 
the University of Connecticut and the Univer- 
sity of Wyoming. A former director of the 
Laramie Plains Museum, he now lives in retire- 
ment in Anacortes, Washington. 

Diary 6{ t ara mie^s First Rcsfdcnt: 
The Diary q\ John T. Crowley 

Transcribed and Edited by 
Miriam Crowley fIcCue 

The following entries are fi-om a diaiy kept by John 
F. Crowley, starting Jamiaiy I. 1868 to May 8, 1868. 
Born in Prescott. Ontario. Canada, in 1841, he com- 
pleted elementary schools there and then moved to 
Ogdenshiirg. N. Y.. at the age of 16 to apprentice as a 
wheelwright. He enlisted in the Union Army at the he- 
ginning of the Civil War. becoming a musician in Gen- 
eral Slough 's Brigade Band. U. S. Volunteers. He par- 
ticipated in the battles of Antietam. Chancellorsville 
and served in the ambulance service at Gettysburg. He 
was in Alexandria. Virginia, at the time of Lincoln's 
assassination and he became a member of the guard of 
honor at Lincoln s funeral. He returned to Ogdensburg. 
stayed briefly and in the spring of 1867. traveled IVest 
to Dakota Tcrriton: In April. 1867. he arrived at Fort 
Saiulers. south of present-day Laramie, where he was 
government wheelwright. The diary begins after he left 
government service at Fort Sanders nine months later. ' 

The entries were written in pencil and transcribed 
in 1987 by Miriam Crowley McCue. Lexington, Mass. 
The transcribed copy was loaned to Annals of Wyo- 
ming through an arrangement between Crowley family 
members and Maria Madigan, Laramie resident and 
long-time member of the Albany County Chapter. 
WSHS. The original diar\< remains with the Crowley 

According to the transcriber, some words were 
smudged and the transcriber could not read them. 
Where Crowley seemed to use a capital letter, the tran- 
scriber did so. With some letters, she could not be sure. 
Crowley seldom used a period to separate sentences, 
but the .Annals editor added full stops for ease of read- 
ing. Otherwise, the transcriber tried to copy as he wrote 
and Annals attempted to maintain the original style. 

The transcriber wrote: "Because my typing cannot 
be guaranteed perfect, 1 occasionally inserted (sic) to 
show that 1 copied as he wrote. After his last full day 's 
entrv (on May 8) several pages show lists of purchases 
or expenses, which 1 have copied as well as 1 can (hut 
most are not included in this article). What is missing, 
he did not write down. " 

Jan. 1, 1868 | Wednesday): Just got Discharged from 
Government Service by reason of an order from Wash- 
ington. Discharging all employees at Fort Sanders DT 
[Dakota Territory]. Did not enjoy myself very much 
today hut had to do the best 1 could in this part of the 
Country. Went to hear a Serenade in the evening at 
General Gibbon's Quarters. It was a great treat for me. 
Weather Cold and Clammy. Kept in the House Most of 
the time. Concluded it about the best place to be. 

Jan. 2: Went to work to help to put up a barber 
Shop. Got it done and then the man found out he had 
no Money to pay us. felt a little vexed about it. Worked 
some on a Meat House and quit for the day. Weather 
Cold and a heavy snowstorm raging and everything 
looks very dismal. Received a letter from B. A. Jack- 
son, Madrid, N. Y.- Glad to hear trom him but thinking 
of old times made me feel very lonesome. 

Jan. 3: Another Change in affairs, our cook got dis- 
charged and started for Cheyenne, so we have to cook 
for ourselves, rather tough but we have got to stand it. 
Worked hard all day fixing up my clothes ready for a 
tramp, have not concluded where to go yet but expect 
to go to Medicine Bow' as soon as we get our guns 
from the States, expecting them every day. Weather 
continues Cold and Stonny. 

' Biographical information is drawn from a biography in Sharon 
Lass Field, ed., Histoiy of Cheyenne. Wyoming II (Dallas: Curtis 
Media Corp., 1989), 251-252. Crowley is listed in Saltiel as a 
"blacksmith" living on Thomes between 16th and 17th Streets, 
Cheyenne, in 1868. E. H. Saltiel and George Barnert, Directory to 
Cheyenne. IS6S. (Reprinted, New Haven: Yale L'ni\ersity Press, 
1975), 45. 

- References to correspondence with Jackson appear in a num- 
ber of entries. The relationship between the two men is unknown 
although, likely, they had been childhood or military friends. 

' The Medicine Bow reference is to the stage station near present- 
day Arlington, an important stop on the overland stage route just 
to the east of Fort Halleck. The present town of Medicine Bow, 
some 20 miles north of Medicine Bow Station, was founded in 
1868 when the railroad was built through the area. For references 
to Medicine Bow Station, see John S. Gray, Cavalry and Coaches. 
(Fort Collins; Old Army Press, 1978). 

Annals oi Wyoming: Wyoming History Journal 

Group of construction officials of the Union Pacific at their headquarters. Laramie, 1867-68, about the taime the 

diarist was writing these entries. .American Heritage Center photograph 

Jan. 4: Weather Cold and Stormy, not much excite- 
ment in Camp, everything very dull and I am beginning 
to get discouraged. Think some of going back to the 
States to try a civilized life once more. Went to see about 
a contract to get out Rail Road ties, did not like the 
price so would not go into untill i [sic] looked around a 
little more. 

Jan. 5 [Sunday]: Did not pass a very pleasant day. 
most of the boys has left and our quarters are very lone- 
some without them, wont stay here much longer. Got a 
job to finish a house on the Little Laramie, expect to go 
up there tomorrow Morning and 1 am very glad of it for 
I am tired laying around here and want a change, do not 
know how long we will stay up there. Heard that we 
were to be hired again at this post by Government do 
not know how true it is. 

Jan. 6: Got up very early and started for Mantils'* 
Ranch on the Little Laramie River to finish a house. 
Had a very Cold ride of it but finaly arrived all right. 
Made a bargain for the Job. Commenced it but did not 
do a great deal as the weather cold to work out doors. 
Laid on the flor [sic] of the ranch but being tired out 
slept sound. 

Jan. 7: Worked on the building and got the roof on 
but the Weather was so cold we had to quit. About sick 
of the Job but determined to stick to it untile done, hard 
to work such cold weather but do not want to stay long 
in this dismal looking place and the look of the place is 

not anything to the mode of living at a Ranch on the 

Jan. 8: Had another rough day of it. frose one of my 
ears, did not like that very well but it would not do to 
sit in the house for that would not do the work. 

Jan. 9: Had some letters sent fi-om Sanders to me, 
one from L. T. Bray and one from A. O. Hibbard. Heard 
that all of the carpenters at Sanders was ordered to leave 
their quarters, rather rough on the boys. Weather colder 
than ever, no signs of it going to Moderate 

Jan. 10: Another hard days work is over and now I 
can enjoy the pleasure of sitting in the ranch amongst 
all Kinds of Mountain men. Hunters, Miners, Team- 
sters, etc. all spinning their old yams and relating their 
adventures in the mines and among the Mountains fight- 
ing Indians & Bears. Weather a little warmer and I am 
glad of it for I was about dead with the cold. 

Jan. 11: Welcome Saturday night for I am tired out. 
got along first rate with our Job so far and think we 

■* According to the record, Philip Mandel was the first settler 
on the Laramie Plains. He located his ranch in 1859 and made 
one of the first homestead entries for the Dakota Territory in 1 864. 
Later, he managed the stage station and sold hay to the govern- 
ment at Fort Sanders. Robert H. Burns, A. S. Gillespie, W. G. 
Richardson, Wyoming's Pioneer Randies. (Laramie: Top of the 
World Press, 1956), 13, 14. See also. Amy Lawrence, "Overlook: 
Old Miller Ranch, Lawrence Ranch and Overland Trail," in Wyo- 
ming State Historical Society Treic (broclmre), 1999, 1 1. 

\fmter 2000 


will make it pay. expect to get done with this I think I 
will take it easy tor the rest of the winter 

Jan. 12 |Sunday|: Got tired sitting in the house, got 
a gun and went hunting, seen plenty game but could 
not get a shot, tramped around until 1 was tired out and 
then started for the Ranch. Weather very pleasant for a 
Wonder and I enjoyed it very much. 

Jan. 13: Worked in the house but the wind was very 
high and it made it very disagreeable. Heard that my 
gun was in Cheyenne, expect to get it soon, very glad 
of for I am anxious to get it. Wrote to Capt. Metcalf " 
by one of the old boys that was going to the Fort. 

Jan. 14: Awful storm raging, thought the best place 
would be in the ranch, did not work any. afraid of be- 
ing blown away so stuck close to the house 

Jan. 15: Weather moderated a little so that we could 
do a little work but not a great deal, heard from the 
boys at the post. Most of them going to the black hills*' 
to hunt, would like very much to be with them 

Jan. 16: Worked on our shebang. Weather ver>' pleas- 
ing, good day to work. Fraser, one of my old chums, 
arrived here from Fort Sanders on his way to the Moun- 
tains.^ going to see what kind of a chance there is up 
there for to work. 

Jan. 17: Another very pleasant day. got along first 
rate with our Job. very anxious to get it done for camp- 
ing among all sorts of Men is played out. Ranch 
Crowded, some drinking, some smoking, and between 
them all, one is almost suffocated but I think I can stand 
it for a few days longer. 

Jan. 18: Weather getting cold again, do not like that 
very well. Some of the old carpenters arrived here from 
Sanders on their way to the Mountains, times dull down 
there, all of the boys are leaving 

Jan. 19 [Sunday): Another day of rest and i am glad 
of it. Man we are working for wanted us to work but we 
"could not see it." hard enough to work all the week 
Wrote to Jackson & L. T.Bray. Weather very pleasant. 
warmer than it has been for a long time 

Jan. 20: Got one room in the house done. Moved 
into it and had a good bed to lay on. Fraser passed here 
on his way to the fort, sent some letter by him. Weather 
ver\ pleasant. 

Jan. 21: Weather somewhat colder but have got an 
inside job so don't mind it much, worked some in the 
evening so as to get done as soon as possible. 

Jan. 22: Nothing new to day on the docket. Still work- 
ing on our Job. expect to have it ready to open tomor- 
row, hope so for we will stand a chance to get some- 
thing different to eat. Weather ver\' windy. 

Jan. 23: Got the dining [room] in the house finished 
and had supper in it. quite a difference between it and 

the ranch, had a gay supper and it went first rate after 
livina on meat & potatoes for a long time. Wind still 
blowing very hard and cold. 

Jan. 24: Weather Moderated a little but still very 
cold, getting our work about done. Nothing of any im- 
portance transpired around the Ranch today. 

Jan. 25: Another week is over and I am tired out and 
glad that another day of rest is near, working on the last 
of our Job. Making some bedsteds expect to tlnish in a 
few days, had a snow storm but did not last long. 

Jan. 26 [Sunday]: Went hunting but did not kill any- 
thing seen some Game but it was so wild we could not 
get near it it was so wild [sic]. Indians reported at pine 
bluff *^ but have not seen any around here yet. Weather 

Jan. 27: Worked part of the time on the bedsteds 
and then commenced on a counter and shelves for the 
ranch, about the last of the work unless something else 
starts up. Weather somewhat colder. Wind blowing very 

Jan. 28: Weather verv' cold again, wind blowing a 
perfect gale and the snow flying all sorts, rather cold to 
do much work but managed to do a little on the counter 
and shelves 

Jan. 29: Weather beginning to get warmer, hope it 
will last until we get done, times very dull, not many 
travellers on the road 

Jan. 30: tlnished the work in the store but they found 
some more work for us at the house, no telling when 
we will get done. Weather warmer. A party of men ar- 
rived from the Mountains with the body of a Man named 
Fred Miller that was killed by the falling of a tree, bur- 
ied him near the ranch. 

' Metcalf likely was the man who was a partner of Charles H. 
Hutton. squatting on the east side of the Laramie River in 1864 
near the stage crossing. Hutton contracted to furnish meat to the 
army at Fort Sanders in 1 868. Later, Hutton and Tom Alsop worked 
on a grading contract for the Union Pacific Railroad. The two 
men became partners in 1868 on the site of the Bath Ranch, west 
of Laramie. It is not known what happened to Metcalf Bums, 
Gillespie and Richardson, 212. See also Marge Richardson, 
"Richardson's Overland Trail Ranch." Wyoming Stale Historical 
Society Trek (brochure), Albany County Chapter, 1999, 8; and J. 
H. Triggs, History and Directory of Laramie City. (Laramie; Daily 
Sentinel Printing, 1875). 

* The name was applied to today's Laramie Range, east of 
Laramie. The reference is not to the presently named "Black Hills" 
in northeast Wyoming and western South Dakota. 

^ Reference to "the Mountains" is not clear although at this 
time, gold mining activity in the South Pass area still held consid- 
erable interest. See Saltiel, 103, for example, noting that the 
Sweetwater Mines' "fame has spread far and wide." 

* The reference likely is to the bluff just southeast of the present 
town of Rock River as distinguished from Pine Bluffs, the town in 
eastern Laramie Counrv on the Nebraska border. 


Annals of Wyoming: Wyoming History Journal 

Jan. 31: Had something new today in the shape of a 
horse race, quite a treat out here, it was not much of a 
race but anything for a change. Weather very pleasant. 
Made a cupboard for the kitchen, hope to get done soon. 

February 1, 1868: Weatherwarm 

for spring 

it makes everyone around here feel good, one of the 
old boys from the Fort passed here on his way to 
[Spragiies?] Mill. All of the Carpenters ordered off the 
reservation gone to the black Hills and Mountains. 

Feb. 2 [Sunday] : Had another day hunting, got some 
game but the wind was so high did not stay out long, 
everything very dull today and I am very lonesome and 
am glad that Sunday is near over for it is a very lone- 
some day out in this country. No church to go to nor 
any place else but the ranch or the broad prairie, about 
tired of this kind of life. 

Feb. 3: Another pleasant day. Got near all the work 
done, will finish in another day. expect to go to Fort 
Sander [sic] to look after my gun and some other things, 
do not know which way 1 will strike after that. 

Feb. 4: Got ourjob done at last and glad of it. expect 
to go to Sanders to morrow If the weather is not to [sic] 
stormy, very windy this evening, hop [sic] it will stop 
blowing before morning. 

Feb. 5: Left little Laramie Ranch for Sanders, had 
good luck, got a ride to the Big Lara [Laramie], arrived 
at the fort Sanders about sundown, found some of the 
old Boys there. Got a letter from Uncle Newman and 
one from cousin Mack [.'']. Weather rather cold. 

Feb. 6: Left Fort Sanders for the Tye City in the 
black Hills.'' arrived there noon, found some of the boys 
and had a good time, got my riffle [sic] and tried it. it 
shoots first rate and I am very much pleased with it. 
Boys want me to stay with them but have not made up 
my mind yet what 1 will do. Weather cold. 

Feb. 7: Got through visiting at the black hills, started 
for Sanders again, walked a part of the way then got a 
ride to the post, practiced some with my gun. rather 
cold to stay out long, got a letter from L. T. Bray. 
Weather moderate 

Feb. 8: Remained at Sanders do not know how long 
I will stay, figured on an Ice house for Lowry and Beal. 
do not know whether I will get it or not. hope so for it 
will help me through the winter. Weather getting cold 

Feb. 9 [Sunday): Nothing new about the post and 
everything dull and lonesome, hop [sic] time will soon 
get lively. Wrote a letter to L. T. Bray and forwarded 
same to him and E. H. Lewis. Weather very cold. Kept 
close to the house all day. 

Feb. 10: Commenced to work for O'Neils engineer- 

ing party. Worked all day making stakes for to lay out 
a new town. Weather cold, wind blowing very hard. 

Feb. 1 1 : Got a job to work on a new Ice house, with 
Fraser started for the Laramie river[.'']. arrived all right 
but tumbled off the wagon on the road which sure hurt 
myself Weather somewhat wanner. 

Feb. 12: Worked on the Ice House, got it all ready 
to raise, do not expect to be here long and do not want 
to for we are all crowded into one tent and it is not very 
comfortable, puts me in mind of the days when I was a 
Soldiering. Weather very pleasant. 

Feb. 13: Weather warm, feel good but am bothered 
a good deal about getting lumber to finish the build- 
ing. Blackburn arrived from little Laramie with my tool 
chest. '° had to sleep out doors, tent crowded. 

Feb. 14: Got two loads of lumber near enough to 
finish, expect to get done in a day or two. put up a 
large tent for a dining and sleeping Room. I guess it 
will be better than sleeping outdoors. Weather very 

Feb. 15: Weather pleasant, do not think it will last 
long. Indians reported at Rock Creek after ponies and 
Pale faces, none seen around here yet. got our ice house 
near done, run out of lumber, got a good place to sleep, 
not quite so much scratching [underlining is writer 's] 

Feb. 16 [Sunday]: Went up to Sanders and spent 
the day. seen some of the old Boys there, had a very 
good time, left there in the evening for the Laramie to 
finish ourjob. Weather very warm just like spring. 

Feb. 17: In trouble about lumber, had to lay off wait- 
ing for it to come from the mill, do not like that very 
well but cannot help it. expect to get some this evening. 
If not think of leaving the Job. Indications of a storm 
Weather not quite so pleasant 

Feb. 18: Did not get the lumber but left the Job and 
went to Sanders, left there about noon and commenced 
another Ice house on the Laramie, took a tent along 
and camped out. Weather colder and wind blowing. 

Feb. 19: Got up early and felt rather stiff fi^om lay- 
ing on the ground, got our breakfast and felt better, 
worked digging seller [sic], rather hard work but it is 
better than loafing, bound to do something. Weather 
pleasant again. 

' "Tye City" [Tie City] was located along the Union Pacific 
tracks southeast of Laramie in the "Black Hills" [Laramie Range]. 
Although not located on the present site of Tie Siding, the "town" 
had a hotel and other structures which later were moved to vari- 
ous area ranches and to the present Tie Siding site. 

'° "Blackburn" likely refers to pioneer merchant Roland 
Blackburn who operated a meat market and coal business in 
Laramie in the 1870s. See Bums, Gillespie and Richardson, 268, 

Winter 2000 


Feb. 20: Still working at the seller [sic] and back is 
awflil sore from the efects [sic] of it but am determined 
to finish it, got near all of the logs for the building on 
the ground, expect to fmish it soon but will have some 
heavy work on it. Ice most all gone out of the river, if 
it continues to be warm weather, we will not get enough 
to fill the house. 

Feb. 21: Three hearty cheers, got done digging the 
seller [sic] and I am glad of it for it was very tough 
work and I got enough of it. do not think I will take 
another Job of the Kind. Weather still pleasant. 

Feb. 22: Could not do much at our house as our tools 
were at the p[ost?]. got our sills done and all ready to 
commence to put up the logs, felt tired, glad it is Satur- 
day night. Weather not quite so pleasant. Wind blow- 
ing very hard. 

Feb. 23: Went up to Sanders for some grub. Wrote a 
letter to Uncle Newman, did not stay there long, every- 
thing looked dull around the post. Wind blowing hard 
and very cold, got back to camp in the afternoon. 

Feb. 24: Commenced to log up the ice house, got 
along very well but it is very heavy work, do not think 
much of putting up log houses. Weather getting pleas- 
ant again. 

Feb. 25: Got the walls of our building up after some 
hard lifting, will have to wait for some material for roof 
think of commencing a Cabin for ourselves to live in. 
Got tired of camping under a Wagon Cover, rather cool 
nights. Weather pleasant in the day time. 

Feb. 26: Commenced our Cabin, got it about half up 
when the roof stuff came along, went to work on it. got 
some lime for plastering, expect to try my hand at it 
tomorrow. Weather very pleasant. 

Feb. 27: Went to work plastering, got along very 
well but it come very hard not being used to it. Capt. 
Metcalf came down here to see us. brought ver\ bad 
news about the state of affairs in Washington, but hope 
it will be all right. Would like to be in the States to 
night. Weather warm. 

Feb. 28: Sitting by the camp fire after a hard day's 
work, got the Ice House near done, think we can finish 
it tomorrow. Weather beautiful and I enjoy it very much, 
hope it will last, hard sight for Ice. river almost clear. 

Feb. 29: Got our Ice House ready for the Ice. expect 
to commence to fill it soon if the Ice gets good. Weather 
getting colder, hope it will so that we can get good ice. 
Went down the river on a little foraging expedition and 
it proved successfiil. got back rather tired. 

March 1, 1868: Made my regular trip to Fort Sand- 
ers, heard considerable talk about the discovery of gold 
at dale City." good deal of excitement about it at the 

post, do not take much stock in it myself, seen several 
of the old Carperters. Most of them loafing, times 
dull. Weather cold and Windy. Got back to camp all 

Mar. 2: Got everything ready for putting in the Ice. 
commenced and got along very well for green hands at 
the bus [abbreviation for business'^] but it is ver\ rough 
work, do not like it very well. Weather beginning to 
get warm again and that is bad for Ice. 

Mar. 3: Worked on the ice till noon and had to give 
it up for a bad job for it spoiled as fast as we got it out 
of the water, rather bad for us for we wanted to finish 
the Job and get our stamps but we must take the weather 
as it comes and not grumble. Weather warm but wind 
blowing hard. 

Mar. 4: Commenced operation on our Cabin again 
and got it all ready for the roof expect to get into it 
soon and then we will feel better for we have had a 
rough time Camping out and we expect to have a great 
deal of Comfort in our Cabin by the Laramie. Weather 
not quite so warm, wind blowing hard. 

Mar. 5: Home at last- got the roof on our Cabin at 
last and commenced to live, find a great deal of differ- 
ence between it and our wagon cover tent, do not have 
quite so much dirt to eat but we can get along without 
that luxury or we tp.\ our stove smokes some but we 
do not mind trifies. Wind still blowing hard. Indica- 
tions of a storm. 

Mar. 6: Went up to Sanders to get a grate for our 
stove, had to make one myself. Came to the conclu- 
sion that 1 was not a very good blacksmith. Times dull 
up there, expect lively times when building commences 
at Laramie City. Got back home with the grate, it worked 
first-rate, getting our Cabin fixed up in good shape. 
Heavy snow storm raging all day. 

Mar. 7: Living in good shape, enjoy our Cabin \ ery 
much and find that we can live far more comfortable 
that we could at the post — and a great deal cheaper, 
nothing like having a home if it is a log cabin on a 
prairie. Weather cold and stormy. Went up to Sanders 
after some suplies [sic] and got back to our town all 

Mar. 8: Did not go out much for our Cabin was so 
comfortable we thought it best Sunday to stay and ei> 

" Dale City had a brief but rowdy existence in the late 1860s 
when it served as the home base for workers constructing the Dale 
Creek trestle for the transcontinental railroad. Some 45 log cab- 
ins, a dance hall, three hotels and assorted other buildings made 
up the "town." See Mae Urbanek, Wyoming Place Names. (Boul- 
der: Johnson Publishing Co., 1967), 53; Mary Lou Pence and Lola 
M. Homsher, Ghost Towns of Wyoming. (New York: Hastings 
House, 1956). 


Annals or Wyoming: Wyoming History Journal 

joy it. first Sunday that we enjoyed outselves since we 
were on the plains and it seemed like home, we had no 
one to bother us and could read and write at our leasure 
[sic]. Wrote to B. A. Jackson. Weather Moderating, 
some wind, not blowing quite so hard. 

Mar. 9: Nothing to do. was not in a hurry getting out 
of bed and had a good comfortable place to sleep. Fixed 
a targate [sic] and practiced some with my rifle. Made 
some very good shots for a green hand. Capt Metcalf 
and Jimmy Vine visited us today.'- did not stay long. 
Weather getting pleasant again. 

Mar. 10: Had a good time today targate [sic] shoot- 
ing. Beat them all. think a great deal of my gun. some 
talk of going to work filling the ice house, do not think 
we can get any ice. don't care much about going at that 
kind of work again. Weather pleasant. 

Mar. 11: Commenced to work on the ice again, do 
not like the work much but have got to finish it. will be 
glad when it is done. Got considerable in today but it is 
not quite as thick as 1 would like it. best we could do. 
don't think 1 will want any more ice Jobs in [mine?]. 
Weather warm and pleasant, spring has opened at last 
and if the ice was in, 1 would hail it with Joy. 

Mar. 12: Worked all day on the Ice. got good Ice and 
put up a good lot of it. begin to feel a little better about 
the Job. Family quite large now. got 5 men helping us 
and they all board with us. Weather cool and frosty. 

Mar. 13: Worked hard and finally got all of the Ice 
in. felt good about it but rather stiff from hard work and 
getting wet. commenced to cover it with saw dust, do 
not think I will look for any more Ice Jobs. Men all 
tired of it. Weather cold. Got a letter from L. T. Bray 

Mar. 14: Got all the Sawdust on the ice and wound it 
up. gave 3 cheers when it was finished for I never got at 
a Job that I hated as bad as 1 did that. Made very little 
on it but that does not trouble me much as long as it is 
done. Weather very cold and stormy. 

Mar. 1 5 |Sunday] : Got up and looked out at the storm 
and made up my mind that 1 would not go out much 
today for it was rather cold, read some papers and then 
wrote some letters, one to L. T. Bray, A. B. Hunt and 
one to cousin Annie Mc. quit at that and had a smoke 
and got ready to tumble in to bed. Weather awful cold 
and stormy. 

Mar. 16: Did not have much to do today so I took a 
trip up to Sanders to see how things looked up there, 
found everything very dull, all waiting for the new town 
to commence, think they will sell lots soon. Some talk 
of a new post going to be started at North Platte crosing 
[sic], hope they will for I would like to go up there to 
work. Weather rather cool. 

Mar. 17: "Saint Patrick's Day in the Morning." Went 

up to Sanders for a "walk." found things somewhat 
livelier. Paymaster there paing [sic] off the troops, 
plenty Money flying around and lots of the soldiers on 
a spree, all seem to feel well. Got a job from blackbum 
[sic] and expect to go to work at Laramie tomorrow 
morning. Weather cold and stormy. 

Mar. 18: Commenced working for Blackburn'^ at 
the new town of Laramie, did not do much as the wind 
was very high, heard that the company was going to 
commence selling lots soon. I hope that they will for 
that will make evry [sic] thing lively. Weather rather 
cold and very high Wind but there are indications of 
fine weather, hop [sic] it will come. 

Mar. 19: Worked half of the day at Laramie framing 
a house, business beginning to look a little brighter 
and I think times will soon be good. If not, there will 
be a grand "Skidaddle" from this part of the Country 
for people are getting discouraged about this place. The 
R R Company are waiting for a permit from Washing- 
ton to sell lots, expect it soon. Weather cold and windy. 

Mar. 20: Working at Laramie but if they do not soon 
commence to sell lots, will run out of a job. hope they 
will soon begin for I do not want to lay around much. 
[Plenty?] houses ready to go up, if the town was ready. 
Weather a little more pleasant but windy. 

Mar. 21: Sweet Saturday has arrived again and hav- 
ing worked hard all day, I feel like having a little rest 
but having a little business to attend to at Sanders, I 
was obliged to walk up there. Got back about tired out. 
Weather warmer, received a letter from Uncle Newman. 

Mar. 22 [Sunday]: Did not do much travelling for I 
was determined to enjoy this sweet day of rest, remained 
at our "Cottage by the Laramie" all day and had a very 
pleasant time of it and got well rested, all ready for 
another week's work. Weather warm and pleasant, hope 
it will remain so. 

Mar. 23: Got up early and had breakfast by sun rise 
all ready for work, started for the town feeling well 
worked all day. no lots sold yet, evry one getting im- 
patient about it. some talk of moving it off of the reser- 
vation.''' Wish they would do that or something else to 
make business lively. Weather warm but wind raising 
with indications of a Storm. 

'- Jimmy Vine (b. Isle of Man, 1836, d. Laramie, 1907) was 
employed to build the officers' quarters at Fort Sanders. Later, he 
owned a furniture store in Laramie. He served on the city council 
and as Albany County commissioner. His "ranch" was located 
north and east of Larami^ approximately four miles from town. 
Bums, Gillespie and Richardson, 212, 213. 

" See footnote 10. 

''' Reference is to the Fort Sanders Military Reservation. 

Winter 2000 

Mar. 24: Now we have got it. another violent snow- 
storm. Could not go out to work, therefore I've had to 
stick close to our Cabin and found it to be a good insti- 
tution in a storm, the other Carpenters that are in tents 
and shake ups must have a "bilious" time of it. I Pity 
them poor Cusses. 

Mar. 25: Storm continued to rage fearfully all day. 
Kept close by the ranch and did not mind it much, but 
come near being snowed under, it beats anything that I 
ever seen in my life and 1 do not care about seeing any 
more storms like it. Cannot see any thing out of doors 
10 feet from the house. 

Mar. 26: Weather moderated considerable and we 
managed to get out of our hut, but had a good deal of 
shoveling to do tlrst. sun come out fme and made things 
look better. Went up to Sanders, had a very hard walk 
of it through the snow. Nothing new up there. Got back 
all right but felt rather tired. 

Mar. 27: Went to work at Laramie and got the frame 
dug out of the snow, it was rather mean work but it had 
to be done. Lots not on market yet, all waiting anx- 
iously for them to be sold, heard that they were going 
to begin shooting last night at the town, false report, no 
one shot. Weather quite pleasant. 

Mar. 28: Got near'- all done that we can do until the 
lots are sold, heard that the [town?] was going to be 
removed to the Little Laramie Crossing, hope they will 
do that or something else to make the times better. 
Weather very pleasant. 

Mar. 29 [Sunday]: Another day of rest has arrived 
and I enjoyed it very well, did not go far from the ranch, 
read all day and was well rested, had a call from A. O. 
Hibbard. remained with us all day. had a very pleasant 
day and enjoyed it very much. 

Mar. 30: Finished up what work Fve had to do on 
the fram[e] so we will have to wait until the lots are 
sold before we can do any more to it, hard telling when 
that will be. if not soon, then good by Laramie plains 
[plans'.^]. Weather getting a little cooler. 

Mar. 31: Nothing to do so I went up to Sanders to 
see what was going on there. Monthly inspection made 
some stir but aside from that, everything was very dull. 
Wrote a couple of letters, one to E. Newman and one to 
the Omaha Bank, got some paper and returned to Camp. 
Weather warm and pleasant. 

April 1, 1868: Started on a hunt to the Black hills 
but a snow storm commenced and we had to put back 
for our Cabin and remained there the rest of the day. 
Storm continued all day. 

April 2: Weather still stormy. Oh, what a place for 
wind and storms and I hope I will not have to stay here 

next winter, everything looks dismal and nothing do- 
ing. Went out with a party hunting. Chased some ante- 
lope black-tailed deer but they were so wild we could 
not get near them, got some sage hens and came home. 

April 3: Felt so tired after yesterdays hunt I concluded 
not to leave home today, got a book and read all day 
and got well rested ready for another expedition. Noth- 
ing doing at Laramie, no lots sold yet. Weather Moder- 

April 4: Weather fme again. Practiced some with my 
rifle. Then started for Lossons ranch and from there, 
went to fort Sanders, every thing dull there, did not 
stay long. Got home all right and found a new "boarder" 
there. Eraser's Cousin Mr. Ross just from North Platt[e]. 

April 5 (Sunday): Staid at the Cabin all day and 
read most of the time, enjoyed myself very well in that 
way. Eraser and the rest of the boys went to the fort, 
had the house all to myself Weather pleasant. 

April 6: About tired laying idle but cannot help it for 
there is not anything to do. No lots sold at Laramie yet 
and we can not go to work until they are. Heard that 
Gen. Sheridan and Angus [Augiir.^] was expected at 
Sanders and Angus had the town papers with them.'" 1 
hope it is true. Went up to the post and got my "dog." 
Weather warm but wind rising. 

April 7: Practiced a little with my gun and made 
some very good shots, did not go a great way from the 
ranch. Got a letter from C. Girring [or G/nv>7g.'] and 
answered it. he wants me to go where he is but 1 do not 
think 1 will just yet. Wind blowing hard. 

April 8: Came near having a fire, our "wooden" stove 
pipe took fire, but 1 soon put it out. seen Blackburn. 
Think of going to Cherry Creek on a hunting expedi- 
tion, must do something to keep up our spirits. Wind 
blowing very hard. 

April 9: Weather pleasant. Started after some Wild 
Geese, but it turned out a wild goose Chase. Waded the 
Laramie and found it awful cold, no more of it for me 
until the water gets warmer. 

April 10: Went up to Sanders, found business as 
usual, very dull. No lots sold at Laramie yet. do not 
think that they ever will be sold. Almost made up my 
mind to leave this place, receved [sic] a letter from 1 st 
National Bank of Omaha. Weather getting colder and 
Wind Rising. 

April 11 |Sunday|: Remained at home all day and 
Kept house, while the rest of the boys were up to the 

'' Transcriber's note: "near" is written over word "all." 

" Reference apparently is to Col. C. C. Augur. Francis B. 

Heitman, Historical Register arid Dictionary of the U. S^ Armv I 

(Washington: GPO, 1903), 175. 


Annals oi Wyoming: Wyoming History Journal 

post — found it very lonesome, but managed to pass 
away the time reading. Getting awftil sick laying idle 
so much. Weather cold and windy. 

April 12: Great time at the Cottage, had four visitors 
for dinner got up a fancv feast . I was put in ChiefCook . 
All well pleased with the dinner had a very good time 
and the day pased [.?/c]off very pleasant. Weather stormy, 
so we enjoyed our Cabin and feast all the better. 

April 13: Weather cold and windy so I staid at home 
and kept house. Got a letter from B. A. Jackson. Some 
talk of going hunting tomorrow if the Weather Moder- 
ates, expect a good time going to the black Hills. 

April 14: Got up early and started for the hills. 
Weather fine when we started but after we got there, it 
was very stormy and could not hunt much, got about 3 
miles ft-om our camp and made a fire, sat there untill 
the storm abated a little and started for Camp. Met two 
large Bears and had a glorious hunt after them and fi- 
nally made "bruin" give up the ghost, but had a tough 
time of it before we killed them, left them and got to 
Camp, proud of our days work, put in a rough night, it 
was so cold. 

April 15: Took the Mules and started for our Bars 
had some fijn getting them on the Mules' Backs but 
was near frose in the operation, got back to camp with 
them and started for home. Could not stay any longer 
the weather was so cold. Got home all right but rather 

April 16: Dressed our Bears and cooked some, found 
it first rate Meat. Going to tan the hides. Think I will 
keep mine for to remember my first bear hunt. Wrote to 
R.[B.?] A. Jackson. Weather cold and windy. Heard 
that the lots at Laramie were to be sold on next Mon- 
day, hope it is so. 

April 17: Went up to Sanders to see the sights, found 
everything dull, did not stay long, tramped back to 
Camp. Weather Cold. Got a letter ft-om Uncle Newman 

April 18 [Sunday]: Three cheers. Great preparations 
for building at Laramie lots to be sold on Monday next, 
sure pray, everyone feels good about it, no more loaf- 
ing I hope for this reason for I have got enough of 
Weather getting warmer. 

April 19: "All quiet on the Laramie" but think there 
will be stirring [7] times this week, remained home all 
day very lonesome. Weather plesant [sic]. 

April 20: Lots at Laramie sold and everything looks 
like business and building is commencing at a fast rate, 
hope it will continue so all summer wages will be good. 
Weather fine and warm. 

April 21: Had to go up to the post so I did not com- 
mence work but expect to tomorrow, people flocking 
into Laramie very fast, expect that they will commence 

shooting soon. Heaps of gamblers and pickpockets ar- 
riving daily. Weather Comfortable. 

April 22: Commenced to work on Freeman and 
Wright building. '^ Worked all day and at night felt better 
by far than if I had loafed, quite a lot of foalks [sic] in 
town and all sorts of outfits coming in every hour, build- 
ings going up very fast. Weather warm. 

April 23: Had a chance of another job but had plenty 
of work without it. Got Freeman's frame put and get- 
ting along well with it. Heard of an Indian raid on some 
graders at rock creek.'* did not hear all the particulars. 
Weather a little cooler 

April 24: Commenced work in the morning but was 
stopped by a snow storm, had to quit untill noon worked 
the rest of the day. Seen a fight in town, they came 
near shooting but was stopped but do not think it will 
be long before someone is killed. 

April 25: Weather very pleasant worked all day and 
was glad when night came for I was tired, cars expected 
here in a short time. Then look out for [biz?] 

April 26 [Sunday]: Welcome sweet day of rest. Went 
to town to see what was going on. seen a great many 
drunken Men and a good many wanted to fight, but 
they did not make it out. some drew their revolvers 
but did not use them. Oh, it is a horrid place, nothing 
thought of a Sunday excepting gambling, and fighting 
Weather very warm 

April 27: Laramie increasing in size very fast, build- 
ings going up in every direction and every indication 
of it being a lively place for some time to come. Work- 
ing every day and feel first rate, got the building near 
done. Weather Lovely. 

April 28: Thought I was gone up to day but thanks 
to providence, I was saved, was working in the second 
story of the building when a "tornado" struck it and 
down she went. I managed to jump before it fell, there 
was one man hurt but not very bad. Wind high. Cleared 
away the ruins, ready to go to work again. 

April 29: Commence to put up the building again. 
Got along very well but things were badly mixed, would 
sooner build a new one than work at the old one. every 
thing full of nails. Weather pleasant. Got a letter from 
L. T. Bray. 

April 30: Got our building near up again and glad of 
it. had some heavy work at it. Another week [sic] whirl 
wind came along and upset another building, did not 
hurt ours this time. Town flourishing. 

'' Charles Wright operated a Laramie tannery in the early 1 870s. 
His tannery is noted in the Laramie Daily Sentinel, Nov. 5, 1870. 
His obituary is the Sentinel, June 5, 1875. 

" Heitman lists an army encounter with Indians at Rock Creek 
on April 3, 1868. Heitman II, 430. 

Winter 2000 


May 1, 1868: Got our building as far along as it was 
when it blew down, will soon have it done. More In- 
dian trouble at Rock Creek, several men scalped by 
them, none here yet. Weather warm, worked all day. 

May 2: Wind blew very hard, did not work but of a 
day. Met Cap. Metcalf and went electioneering for 
"City" officers for Laramie but it did not amount to 
much as the General declared it null and void. Laramie 
is in full blast and every thing is Moving lively. Cars 
expected here tomorrow or next day. 

May 3: Cars in sight but will not get in to day short 
of [ ? ]. Hardy, the prize fighter, was shot at Laramie to 
day by the deputy sherrif [s/c]. not dead yet but cannot 
live, town filled up with Gamblers Pickpockets and 
robbers. Weather plisant [sic]. 

May 4: Started for Wyoming'^ to see about starting 
a wagon shop there, had to walk all the way and I got 
enough of it and I came to the conclusion that as a 
"walkisf I was not a sucess. sloped with Jimmy Vine, 
do not like the appearance of the place. Weather pleas- 
ant. Cars running in to town. 

May 5: Verv' heavy snow storm raging, cannot work 
very much this day. have to keep close to the house. 
Two companies of Cavalry arrived from Rock Creek 
and had to camp out in the storm, rough on the Soldier 
Boys, think less of Wyoming than I did yesterday. 

May 8: Went to work on [Wanless or Wardens'^] 
building with Cap Metcalf to help him [?]. a fine day 
but had a hard time to keep to work and felt very un- 
well. Caught a severe cold up the Country. Weather 

May 9: Laid up. Could not go to work but such things 
cannot be helped. Commenced doctoring myself and 
by evening felt much better, another day's rest will 
make me feel all right again. Weather warm. 

May 10: [No entry- page blank]... '^ 

May 28: Commenced working for Government once 
more on the wagon shop (in?) Fort Sanders, do not think 
much of old wagons, but it is better than loafing. 
Laramie about played [out]. Weather warm but wind 
blowing hard. 

[Blank pages] 

June 6 (at top): McGonnigle followed by list of 
figures (probably dollars and cents) 

June 7 si.x " green Peas two hams 

25 dried apples 1/2 " Mustard Six cans two bottles Chow 

one case tomatoes damsens 1 " 

six cans Lima " " Peaches Worcester sauce 

Beans " " Strawberries 

No entries until July 13 which has a line through it 
and very faint, perhaps of no significance but per- 

haps to show the listing has nothing to do with the 

Steel [' not quite COD but could be U. C.O.J to 
J.F. Crowley 
Januan,- 20th to filing and setting wood saw .75 
Feb 10th to putting in threshoJd in store 1-50 

March I 7th to filing and setting Saw and fixing 
saw frame 1-50 

April 15 to filing saw 

May 25th to filing and setting saw .75 

October 1 8 [?] 

[this and the last three or four entries are smudged 
or erased or possibly, water got onto the page] 
July 14: [page contains the following entries] 
Nov 13th to filing saw 50 

Nov 24th to filing saw 50 

to Making Wheelbarrow wheel 3-00 

to work on Buggy 12-00 

Nov 29 filing saw 50 

Dec 12th to work on Wagon 5-00 

cash 1-50 

Cash 5-00 

Dec 1 6 filing saw 50 

Dicks saw 50 

[Pages blank until September 3 page where a list of 
numbers is added and totalled]. 
Rest of the diaiy contains lists of products and prices. 

" "Wyoming" was a railroad water stop, telegraph station and 
post office located about ten miles north of Laramie along the 
main line of the Union Pacific. J. W. Brady is listed as the post- 
master there in 1869. See Marie Erwin, IVyommg Blue Book. 
(Cheyenne, 1943). 631. 

'*0n May 13 page Cash receved of Mac 
Cash for (':') 2.00 
Cash 3.00 
Cash 16.00 
Cash 10.00 
Pages for May 14 and 15 torn out Page for May 16 torn, 
wTinkled but with list: 

Money Paid out for Wagon 

1 set $5.50 

1" hubs 2.25 

1 " filloes 2.50 

1 " spokes 4.00 

1 fifth Wheel 3.50 

Old Buggy 5.00 

pole Tip .75 

freight and expresage 3.25 
axles and leather 12.50 
(faint word expres?) 
Shaft tips. 75 

May 19 page; Cash on hand may 3/ 

checks 1431-59 
?word? 350-00 
Cash 1420-00 

Wyoming Memories 

OGvcntij-tive Yeaps 
with the ripst otate Dank 

b^ Mabel E. Brown 

On August 14, 1924, the following editorial appeared 
on the front page of the Newcastle News Letter: 


Several weeks ago the NEWS LETTER stated that 
we had little sympathy in efforts that were being made 
to re-organize the banks of this city and our opinion 
was that a new bank with new capital, etc., was the 
solution to our banking problems. 

This week we announce the formation of a new bank 
for Newcastle to be known as the First State Bank of 
Newcastle and with a capital of $15,000. 

H. G. Weare, President of the leading bank of Sioux 
Falls, South Dakota, capitalized at $1,000,000 and also 
connected with the First National Bank of Deadwood, 
South Dakota, with banks at Spearfish and interested 
in banks at Sundance, Hulett and Moorcroft is the prin- 
cipal stockholder in the new enterprise and associated 
with him are R. Hurtt, W. E. Dickey, John H. Nason, 
and M. C. Roberts of this city. 

Hurtt, of Hulett will be cashier and quarters will be 
in the Weston County Bank Building. Weare is an 
old-time cattleman of the Black Hills country and at 
present is associated with L.A. Brown in the cattle busi- 
ness in Crook County. The combination looks like a 
good one and it is planned to increase the $1 5,000 capi- 
talization to $75,000 when business warrants it. 

It will be a relief to our people to have a bank at 
which they can do business and while for a time a great 
deal of caution is apt to be exercised in dealing with 
any bank, we predict confidence in the new situation 
will be such that business will return to practically nor- 
mal, very shortly. 

We understand that a charter has already been is- 
sued and that the institution will probably be open for 
business within a week or ten days. 

On August 28, the News Letter commented: 

Friday morning of last week, Newcastle's new bank- 
ing institution. The First State Bank of Newcastle, 
opened for business and from the very start it was ap- 
parent that the people were taking kindly to the idea of 
again having a banking institution in the town and 

The first five days have seen more than $23,000 de- 
posited in the bank and this together with their capital 

gives them a footing of about $38,000. 

Eighty-six persons and business firms have opened 
accounts in the new bank and more are coming in daily 
and we are told that -practically every business house 
in this city now has an account at the bank. 

In 1923, there had been three banks in Newcastle 
and one at Osage. By summer, 1924, there were none. 
"Once bit, twice shy," people of the area were more 
than a little dubious about depositing their hard-earned 
money in a bank of any kind. "I'll put mine in a tin can 
and bury it," one old fellow declared. 

"What if someone steals it?" he was asked. 

"If it was stolen, wouldn't be no different than los- 
ing it in a bank and I'd know what happened anyhow!" 
he replied. 

This was a typical reaction of many who had lost 
savings in the closing of banks. It took some time to 
restore the faith of these people in banking institutions. 

The records at the First State Bank of Newcastle show 
that the bank was opened on August 22, 1924, with a 
capital of $ 1 5,000 as stated in the News Letter account. 
There were 150 shares at $100 per share. Weare was 
the major stockholder and the first president of the 

The bank was incorporated to do business for a pe- 
riod of fifty years, and started business at a time when 
many banks and other businesses throughout the state 
and the nation were failing or being suspended. 

In 1925, ninety-six banks reported their condition 
with total aggregate resources of $66,495,000 with capi- 
tal of $7,808,000 and deposits of approximately 

In 1926, there were ninety-three banks and they had 
slightly increased their resources to $67,204,000 with 
capital of $7,751,000 and deposits of $49 million. In 
the year ending June 30, 1925, (the year in which the 
First State Bank was bom and shortly ^fter the death of 

' W.E. Dickey later lived at Spearfish, South Dakota. At the 
time the bank was founded, Nason's address was Colony, Wyo- 
ming. Following his death, his widow moved to Spearfish, where 
R. Hurtt and his wife Margaret also made their home. 

Winter 2000 


the other Weston County banks), there were four bank 
suspensions with liabilities of $600,000. In 1926 there 
was only one suspension, its liabilities being $15,000. 

Outside of banks, the commercial failures in Wyo- 
ming in 1924 were fifty-one; in 1925, fifty-eight; and 
in 1926, fifty-six. For the year ending June 30, 1929, 
there were 86 banks reporting. On June 30, 1930, there 
were 83. The aggregate resources were $71,341,000 
with deposits approximately $56 million — fewer banks 
but stronger financially.- It shows the conditions in 
the state with which the new bank must contend. 

Business gained slowly but surely. Many of the home- 
steaders who had rushed to the area just after World 
War I, either dried out and moved away or stopped 
trying to raise crops and adapted their resources to the 
production of cattle or sheep — and got jobs to support 
the homesteads. Some went to work in the oil field at 
Osage and the nearby patches; others worked at Cambria 
in the mines. 

The mines, too, were in trouble, and were not hiring 
many men. The Cambria difficulties did not affect the 
First State Bank to a great degree as most of the 
Cambriaites "traded with" the Security State Bank, 
which had been organized some time after the First 
State went into business. The Security State Bank was 
owned by Walter Schoonmaker, longtime employee of 
the Cambria Company, who was actively interested in 
all that transpired at the mines. 

In April 1926, the total assets of the First State Bank 
were $362,902.74. Stockholders and directors remained 
about the same as in the beginning except that part of 
the Weare stock had been transferred to Mrs. Weare. 

On May 16, 1926, a tall, blonde, young man with a 
slow smile and a serious manner assumed duty as book- 
keeper at the bank. Andy Hansen stayed with the bank 
for many years, later serving as president of the insti- 

In August 1930, the First State Bank purchased the 
Security State Bank and moved across the street into 
the building later occupied by the Newcastle Men's 
Store. (The building which first housed the First State 
Bank became a cafe.) 

Records show that in 1930 the J.C. Penney Com- 
pany rented its home from the First State Bank. The 
building was still owned by Mrs. Dickey, wife of one 
of the original directors of the bank. 

A number of new stockholders also appeared on the 
record about this time. They were George Hunter, part- 
ner in Fisher and Hunter, Deadwood, S. D.; R. E. 
Driscoll, Lead, S. D., (who later became head of the 
National Bank of the Black Hills with banks through- 
out the Black Hills region); Walter Cunningham, Belle 

Fourche, S. D.; Dr. Frank S. Howe, Deadwood, S. D.; 
C. L. Wood of Alzada, Montana; and Andy Hansen of 

On February 20, 1931 the total assets of the bank 
were $702,533.69. Charles Dow had purchased stock 
and been elected to the board of directors. He was 
elected as president to till the vacancy left by Weare's 
resignation. Weare's health was failing badly. 

In December of 1931, Hugh Updike of Osage was 
elected a director. Harry P. Ilsley of Sundance was 
elected to the board of directors at the January 11,1 932, 
meeting of the bank stockholders. Dow remained as 
president, Hugh Updike became vice-president, Rueben 
Hurtt continued as cashier, and Andy Hansen was as- 
sistant cashier. 

The Board proceedings show that on February 3, 
1932, the total assets of the bank had declined consid- 
erably form $702,533.69 to $433,03 1 .05. (This was in 
the midst of the Great Depression.) These proceedings 
also show that a note of condolence was sent to the 
family of Charles Dow, He had died suddenly. It was 
also decided not to elect a new president at that time, 
but to continue on with the current officers. This was 
out of respect to Dow's memory. 

At the January 1933 meeting, George Hunter was 
elected to the Board of Directors. It was at this time 
that young Andy Hansen first became a member of the 
board. Other bank board members were H. P. Ilsley, 
M. C. Roberts, and R. Hurtt, original stockholders. 

George Hunter, the Deadwood businessman, was 
elected president of the board. Hugh Updike resigned 
from the board and moved to California about this time. 

Franklin Delano Roosevelt was elected to the Presi- 
dency of the United States in November, 1 932. Imme- 
diately on taking office in March, 1933, he began a 
series of economic reforms. On March 4, the Presi- 
dent declared a "bank holiday" to be in effect from 
March 4 through 1 8. During this time the doors of banks 
throughout the nation were closed. Their financial sta- 
bility was checked and only sound banks were permit- 
ted to re-open. Intended as a protection to the people, 
this action actually worked a hardship in Newcastle. 
Not a few people who had somehow managed to "get 
by" and make a scanty living despite the depression 
and who had never before accepted charity of any kind, 
were forced to ask for relief even though they had wages 
(in check form) to purchase whqt they needed. Until 

- The above statistics were reprinted from a statistical abstract 
which appears in "Wyoming-Territorial Days to the Present" by 
Mrs. Francis Beard, (1933). For specifics on the bank failures of 
the 1920s, see T. A. Larson, History of Wyoming. (Lincoln: Uni- 
versity of Nebraska Press, 1965), 413-414. 


Annals of Wyoming: Wyoming History Journal 

the Holiday was over, businesses were reluctant to give 
credit which in the case of wage-earners, who did not 
own property, could not be secured. (After the Holi- 
day, the check might not be good.) 

Wyoming banks fared better than some in this in- 
stance. In 1925, when Mrs. Nellie Tayloe Ross was 
Governor of the State of Wyoming, she told the Legis- 

Next to tax reduction, the subject that is now of most 
absorbing interest to the people of Wyoming is the 
banking situation. The large number of bank failures 
during the past few years had emphasized the need of 
a complete revision of our banking laws, both for the 
purpose of protecting the depositors as fully as pos- 
sible and for the purpose of restoring the confidence of 
the public in banking institutions.^ 

On this recommendation the law pertaining to the 
duties of the state examiner was thoroughly revised, 
particularly with regard to the duties in the inspection 
and regulation of state banks. By a schedule of fees in 
the law, each bank was required to pay fi^om fifty to 
ninety dollars for each periodical examination of its 
books. The Legislature did not act on the governor's 
suggestion regarding a guarantee fund, but did amend 
the laws providing that the deposits of public money 
by county, state, or school district treasurers should be 
secured by guarantee bonds, and a similar act was 
passed requiring that banks which were depositories of 
state funds should also be secured by similar bonds. 

The total assets of the First State Bank after re-open- 
ing following the Bank Holiday were $381,723.52, still 
going down from previous years. 

A letter to the First State Bank from A.E. Wilde, 
State Examiner, dated August 5, 1933, explained the 
new Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation which was 
a government insurance on all bank deposits. Only 
sound banks could qualify for the insurance and only 
banks which qualified by January 1934 could continue 
to operate. (The First State Bank, as is evident, quali- 

Clarence Hansen and A. H. (Arch) Dixon became 
stockholders in January 1934. Directors remained the 
same. M. C. Roberts was elected president of the board: 
Harry P. Ilsley, vice-president; R. Hurtt remained cash- 
ier and Andy Hansen, assistant-cashier. 

Weare died in 1 934 and the Weare interests are shown 
as stock of the Weare estate; total assets of the bank 
were up a little in 1934, showing $552,506.31. Walter 
Cunningham was elected to the board of directors in 
1 935; officers continued as before. Daniel Reed, a long 
time Newcastle businessman became a member of the 
board of directors in January of 1937, replacing Ilsley 

who had resigned from the board. Reed was elected 
vice-president in January 1938, but resigned April 9, 
1938. He was succeeded on April 11 by Walter 

On April 8, 1940, the First State Bank opened its 
Savings Account Department. The financial picture had 
improved somewhat, the drought had broken and there 
were more jobs, wages, and more money to be saved. 
The total assets on Dec. 18, 1940, was $882,941.78. 

The account of the January 11, 1943, meeting shows 
Mrs. R. (Margaret) Hurtt replacing Dan Reed on the 
board of directors. A note in the July proceedings told 
of the illness of Roberts who was in a hospital in Den- 
ver. He died shortly afterward. In October 1943, Arch 
Dixon was elected to the board of directors and Walter 
Cunningham was elected president. A resolution con- 
cerning the death of Arch Dixon was included in the 
July 8, 1946, board minutes. Wallace Smith, a nephew 
of R. Hurtt, replaced Dixon on the Board. Hurtt re- 
signed as cashier and Andy Hansen was elected to that 
position. On January 13, 1947, Mrs. Elizabeth Mary 
Roberts, widow of M. C. Roberts, replaced Mrs. Hurtt 
as director. Wally Smith became assistant cashier. 

On October 4, 1947, the total assets of the bank were 
$3,197,354.90. Newcastle had been experiencing an 
oil boom. (Walter Winchell in one of his famous broad- 
casts had predicted that Newcastle would become an- 
other Tulsa. It didn't make it!) 

All during the war years the bank had contributed 
toward the national defense effort. When in 1941 a 
Savings Bond Drive was begun, Andy Hansen was 
elected as chairman of the committee. (They called them 
War Bonds then, remember?) Andy was a successful 
chairman and has continued in that office to the present 
time. He has received a number of "commendations" 
for his work in this field. 

On January 12, 1948, Clyde D. Roberts, son of M.C. 
Roberts, replaced Wally Smith as director. 

An interesting statement appears in the 1 949 proceed- 
ings — the First State Bank of Newcastle was autho- 
rized to celebrate its 25"' anniversary as "time and du- 
ties permit." There is no record of the celebration. 
Everyone was just too busy! 

Affairs continued "as usual", officers and directors 
remained the same. The January 9, 1 950, record shows 
that L. E. Mackler, an employee of the bank since 1 948, 
was made assistant cashier. 

On November 6,1951, the controlling interest in the 
First State Bank was sold to Jack Devereaux of Judith 

■* House Digest, 17th Wyoming State Legislature, Governor's 
Message (1925). 

Winter 2000 


Gap, Montana. His father, Harry Devereaux, well 
known Rapid City banker, was a member of the new 
board of directors, as were Earl Kellar of Rapid City, 
S. D., Clyde D. Roberts of Sundance, and Andy Hansen. 
Jack Devereaux was elected president, Harry 
Devereaux, vice-president, and Andy Hansen, cashier. 

In 1954 a fine new and modem building was con- 
structed and on November 29, 1954, the First State 
Bank moved in to luxurious new quarters. 

In 1957 William Haines joined the bank staff as as- 
sistant cashier. He also sold insurance. He remained 
with the bank until 1962 when he moved to Longmont, 
Colo. Later, he lived in Denver. 

Robert E. Caudel took over the job vacated by Haines, 
in 1962. Caudel was ftiU of advertising ideas. A scrap 
book of ads during the time he was with the bank would 
show that many of them were excellent. 

William Nefsy, of the First Security Bank and Trust 
of Miles City, Montana, purchased the controlling in- 
terest in the First State Bank of Newcastle on Septem- 
ber 16, 1963. Nefsy was a member of one of the very 
early families who pioneered in both Crook and Weston 
Counties. The town of Osage is built on the Nefsy town- 
site. The first teacher in what is now Weston County 
was taught by young Frank Nefsy back in the days when 
Weston was still a part of Crook County. William Nefsy 
graduated from Newcastle High School and in addi- 
tion to his Montana banking and ranching interests, 
had other business interests in Wyoming. 

Elmer Mohl, who later moved to Norfolk, Nebraska, 
became president and Andy Hansen, executive vice- 
president and cashier. 

Less than a year later, in March , 1 964, the Schnitzler 
Corporation of Froid, Montana, purchased the Nefsy 
interest. The Schnitzler Corporation was founded in 
1910 by John W. Schnitzler, who for many years was a 
state senator and Republican chairman from Montana. 
The corporation was primarily in the wheat and cattle 
business in northeastern Montana. Schnitzler was a 
printer of a small town weekly newspaper who later 
became a banker, then a large scale dryland wheat 
fanner. He died in an airplane accident in 1932. He 
was one of the first private pilots in Montana and once 
owned a sister ship of the "Spirit of St. Louis." After 
his death, the agricultural interests were managed by 
his widow, Catherine and later by his daughter, Helen 
Schnitzler Hornby. Mrs. Hornby was president and 
manager of the corporation. 

Both Mr. and Mrs. Hornby represented the Schnitzler 
Corporation on the board of directors of the First State 
Bank. Mrs. Hornby was chairman of the board. Will- 
iam H. Hornby, a native of Montana, was an executive 

with the Denver Post. The Hombys lived in Denver. 

In December, 1966, Gordon Swanson came to 
Newcastle from Montana and became executive vice- 
president. Mohl left on January 1, 1967, to fill a posi- 
tion with a Norfolk, Nebraska, bank and Andy Hansen 
became president of the firm which he had so faith- 
fully served for what was then 48 years. 

Donal Howell joined the staff in 1965. In 1967 he 
became cashier and Dale Newlin, assistant-cashier. 
Both men are well known in the Newcastle area. Donal 
Howell later was associated with the National Bank of 
Newcastle. Newlin was bom and reared in Rapid City, 
S. D., but had lived in Newcastle since 1 940. He worked 
for Craig Chevrolet Company and Sioux Oil Refinery 
before joining the First State Bank. Dale's wife Annette 
was a daughter of the Batista Farella family who were 
well known area ranchers. The Newlins had two sons, 
Dennis of Upton and Doran of Newcastle. 

Don Jording came to the First State Bank as execu- 
tive vice president in 1970 from Wheatland where he 
had been associated with the Stock Growers Bank for 
1 5 years, advancing to the office of executive vice presi- 
dent. In Newcastle, he participated in school affairs, 
city council and Lions club. 

Donn Ross joined the present staff in 1971 as cash- 
ier. Although bom in Nebraska he was raised and edu- 
cated in the Greeley, Colo., area. He worked part time 
in a bank while still in high school and received his 
degree in banking and business from the University of 
Colorado. Before coming to Newcastle, he was assis- 
tant vice-president of Cheyenne National Bank for ten 

Dave Denke joined the staff as an officer trainee. He 
grew up on a ranch north of Wall, S.D., and received a 
degree in Business Agriculture from South Dakota 
State. His wife June was the art teacher in the Newcastle 
High School. 

Board of Directors of the bank then included Mr. 
and Mrs. Homby, John Sullivan, Mrs. Hornby's son, 
Clyde Roberts, whose father, M.C. Roberts was an 
original stockholder, Don Jording and Andy Hansen. 

The First State Bank perfomied many services for 
the people of the town. The bank sponsored the annual 
4H leaders work with young people throughout the 
years and the annual banquet in their honor. The ban- 
quet was begun during Jack Devereaux's tenure. 

Other services include donations to the Anna Miller 
Museum and Weston County Stock Growers Associa- 
tion and numerous local "drives". 

The First State Bank grew from capital of $15,000 
on August 22, 1924, to total assets of $15,213,937.41 
to June 30, 1974. 

Annals of Wyoming: Wyoming History Journal 

An item in the 1949 First State Bank proceedings 
authorized it to celebrate its 25'*' anniversary "as time 
and duties permit." There is no record of the celebra- 
tion. Evidently everyone was just too busy!"* 

Twenty-five years later the bank celebrated its fifti- 
eth anniversary of incorporation and what a celebration 
it was! 

The event was held at the Weston County Fairgrounds 
with some 2200 people participating. A free barbecue 
catered by the Newcastle Volunteer Fire Department 
was served at noon. Organ music was provided by 
Rhonda Sedgwick, a PRC A musician and a former Miss 
Wvoming Rodeo, finalist in the National Miss Rodeo 
America contest. The Newcastle Unit of the Wyoming 
National Guard parked cars and served as ground pa- 

The afternoon program got underway in front of the 
grandstand with the introduction of guests at 2 p.m. 
Bank president, Andy Hansen, introduced the employ- 
ees of the bank and the present and former directors. 
Former directors introduced were Mr. and Mrs. Reuben 
Hurtt and Mr. and Mrs. Walter Dickey of Spearfish, 
S.D.; Mr. and Mrs. Jay Durfee of Sundance, WY. 
Present directors introduced were Clyde Roberts, 
Sundance, Mr. and Mrs. William Hornby of Denver, 
CO; John C. Sullivan, Livingston, Montana; Don 
Jording and Hansen both of Newcastle. Also introduced 
was Robert Miracle of Casper, President of the Wyo- 
ming Bankers Association. 

There was a drawing of ten prizes for checking and 
savings account customers. A $ 1 00 reward was offered 
for the oldest First State Bank check. Mrs. Fred B. 
Campbell of Edgemont, S.D., was recipient of the re- 

Two hours of professional entertainment was provided 
for area folk. Featured were Johnny Matson, comedian 
and musician, the Colorado Gold Musical Combo, the 
Ding-a-ling Family (a unique bell ringing attraction) 
and Mike Pickering performing a comedy trampoline 
act. Arch Jeffries excited the crowd with his magic. 

A dance was held Saturday evening at the new Fair- 
grounds building. The evening before the celebration a 
banquet and reception was held in honor of Andy Hansen 
who has been with the First State Bank for some 48 
years. The affair was attended by bank officials and 
employees introduced at Saturday's celebration plus 
members and friends of the Hansen family from through- 
out the Black Hills area, Ohio, Nebraska, Colorado, 
Gillette, Lusk, and Riverton, Wyoming, and Sun City, 

The Newcastle News Letter Journal reported the fol- 
lowing week that some 2,200 people attended the First 

State Bank's Fiftieth Anniversary Celebration.' 

Soon after the fiftieth anniversary of the First State 
Bank, Andy Hansen became chairman of the board of 
directors and Don Jording moved up to bank president. 

Many changes occurred during Jording' s tenure in 
office. When the old Berry Hotel was torn down, the 
First State Bank purchased the vacant lot and trans- 
formed it into a landscaped parking area. The bank 
building itself underwent extensive remodeling and 
another addition was constructed. 

The history of the bank has been one of steady growth. 
When Jording became president in 1974, bank assets 
totaled approximately $15 million. In 1999, they were 
nearly $75 million. 

The week before Christmas 1998 was a time of trag- 
edy for the town of Newcastle. Fire ravaged the his- 
toric business area, destroying businesses and also apart- 
ments above the stores. People turned out in droves to 
help evacuate the structures and salvage what property 
they could. Both the First State Bank and the Security 
Bank were among those helping. 

Recently, the First State Bank purchased property at 
the head of Main Street. Townspeople long had hoped 
someone would purchase the land and "do something 
with it." That's what the bank has done. They are build- 
ing a park similar to the one adjacent to the bank. (It's 
interesting to note that one of the early bank presidents, 
Charles W. Dow, operated the Dow Garage on this land 
for many years.) With so much rebuilding going on in 
the town it was not possible to complete the bank's 
project in time for a seventy-fifth anniversary. In fact, 
Jording says he is not sure just when the celebration 
will take place. Maybe, like the item in the early News 
Letter, "when time and duties permit"! 

^ The actual date of incorporation of the First State Bank was 
August 28, 1924, but the anniversary celebration was held Sep- 
tember 14, 1949. 

- "75"' Anniversary Article," Neuvastle News Letter Journal, 
September 19, 1974. All of those participating in the event re- 
ceived a booklet, Fifty Years with the First State Bank (1974), 
adapted and updated from Forty-Five Years with the First State 
Bank, and used with permission of Mabel Brown, Bits and Pieces 
5, #8(1969). 

The author is one of Wyoming 's best known 
historians. She was founder and publisher of 
Bits and Pieces magazine and served as presi- 
dent of the Wyoming State Historical Society. 
In 1999, she was recognized as one of 
Wyoming 's outstanding citizens of the century. 

Winter 2000 


Recent Acquisitions to tne Wyoming State Arcnives Collections 

Proviaed by Curtis Greubel, Researcn Supervisor 

Cheyenne Light, Fuel and Power, 1879-1997 

The company is a public utility supplying electricity and gas to 
southeast Wyoming. Organized in 1900, CLF&P took over two 
local utilities, Brush-Swan Electric Light Co., and Cheyenne City 
Gas Co. CLF&P operated as a local utility until it became part of 
Northern Colorado Power Company in 1906, Western Light and 
Power Company in 1914 and Public Service Company of Colo- 
rado in 1.923, where it remained until 1963 when it became an 
independent entity. 

The collection consists of records pertaining to operations of 
the company, including annual reports and monthly and operat- 
ing reports for electricity, gas and steam. Of special interest are 
photocopies of public records about the Brush-Swan Company 
and an 1879 letter about the future outlook for electricity. News- 
letters from Public Service Company of Colorado revel much about 
early Depression-era and post-war utility developments. A large 
collection of photographs was placed in the historical photograph 

1 1 cubic feet, arranged alphabetically. 

Quota Club of Cheyenne (1962-1994) 

Founded in 1919, Quota International is an organization of pro- 
fessional and business women for fellowship and community ser- 
vice. The Cheyenne chapter was organized about 1949, although 
the earliest record in this collection is from 1962. Among the 
records are minutes of monthly meetings and yearbooks listing 
membership and social activities. 

.5 cubic feet. 

Wyoming Association of Consulting Engineers and 
Surveyors (1955-1994) 

Organized in 1960, the association promoted professionalism 
among its members. Records include minutes, correspondence, 
newsletters and committee reports. Topics include state rules and 
regulations, professional and employment issues, national engi- 
neering organization records, engineering scholarships and mem- 
bership lists. Included are records of the Wyoming Association 
of County Engineers and Road Superintendents, Wyoming Pub- 
lic Works Council and Wyoming Association of Practical Engi- 
neers and Surveyors. 

4 cubic feet, arranged alphabetically. 

Wyoming Democratic Party (1991, 1998) 

Campaign literature from state party candidates, platform from 
the state party and national Democratic Party platform, general 
literature. 1 file folder. 

Wyoming Peace Initiative (1983-1995) 

The collection documents organized anti-nuclear missile ef- 
forts in Wyoming. A grassroots organization active from the late 
1980s to the early 1990s, the Wyoming Against MX sought to 
prohibit the placement of MX missiles in southeastern Wyoming. 
Later, the group changed its name to Western Solidarity and later, 
to Wyoming Peace Initiative, and broadened its focus to include 
opposition to nuclear testing and proliferation. 

1 cubic foot, arranged alphabetically. 

Enjoy Two New Websites 

presenting the dramatic story of that old emigrant trail from southern 

Wyoming to the gold fields of Montana, with a regularly updated 

schedule of Events, Programs, Exhibits and Tours 


with information of historical and cultural resources in Montana, 
Wyoming, South and North Dakota and Nebraska from the 

Frontier Heritage Alliance 

Boofe R 

ooR iveviews 

Edited Ly Carl Hallterg 

Portraits of Basques in the New World. Edited 
by Richard W. Etulain and Jeronima Echeverria. 
Reno: University of Nevada Press, 1999. xvi + 305 
pp. lllus., notes, bib., index. Cloth, $31.95. 

Portraits of Basques in tlie New World is a collection 
of thirteen biographies which detail the Basque impact 
on the New World, particulady the American West, in 
the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. The essays 
address issues of immigration, assimilation, entrepre- 
neurship. and cultural revival for one of the West's most 
influential ethnic minorities. Editors Richard W. Etulain 
and Jeronima Echeverria add their essays to those of 
other specialists in Basque culture. This is the first 
volume in the Basque Series edited by William A. 

The biographies are divided into three chronological 
sections. The first includes chapters showing Basque 
influence in Spanish America through the figures of 
Don Fray Juan de Zumarraga, Don Juan de Onate, and 
Juan Bautista de Anza, both father and son. A common 
theme is the interaction between officials of the Crown 
and the Church - often showing how individuals 
struggled with their divided loyalties over such issues 
as the expulsion of the Jesuits. The section ends with a 
transitional essay on brothers Pedro and Bernardo 
Altube who left the Pyrennes for Argentina and 
eventually settled in California during the gold rush. 
Carol W. Hovey traces their entry into the cattle business 
in the early 1850s and ultimately their development of 
a cattle ranch in northeastern Nevada. 

The second section consists of four essays with 
varying formats--a photographic essay about five 
famiHes shows agricultural and mining scenes, while a 
diary by a sheep rancher's teenage son relives the 
nightmare of a sleet storm in eastern Montana. An essay 
by John Bieter details the quintessenfial success story 
of Basque immigrant, John B. Archabal. In a concluding 
essay William A. Douglass traces the journey of a father 
and his four sons to the West. Santi, the youngest, 
demonstrates how a family can become Americanized 
and still keep its Basque heritage alive. 

The third section of five essays emphasizes the revival 
of Basque culture by the second generation. In "Lyda 
Esain: A Hotelera's Story," Jeronima Echeverria 

explains how the ostatua or boardinghouse provided 
services to new immigrants similar to those of an ethnic 
community. Female Basque immigrants found jobs 
there as maids and waitresses, often meeting their future 
husbands who stayed as boarders. These ostatuak not 
uncommonly became family businesses, and confinue 
to offer Basque hospitality to western travellers today. 
Other essays detail the lives of Nevada's former 
legislator and secretary of state, Pete Cenarusa; western 
journalist and novelist, Robert Laxalt; and Idaho's "Jay" 
Uberuaga Hormaechea who revived authentic Basque 
dances. William A. Douglass writes a contemplative, 
concluding essay on ethnic identity and its meaning 
for future generations. 

Several themes emerge from these essays. Basque 
immigrants left their impact wherever they settled. 
Many came via Argentina, where a glance at the names 
of public figures over the last hundred years reveals 
significant Basque influence. While the majority of 
Basques in the American West appear to have entered 
the cattle and sheep businesses, other worked in 
quarries, logging, mining, or the service sector. Basques 
showed remarkable economic mobility within one or 
two generations, which calls for a comparison with 
Germans from Russia who showed similar mobility as 
sugar beet fanners. Several essays note Basque qualities 
of frugality, hard work, and honesty as well as their 
networking for jobs, endogamous marriages, and 
cooperative financial ventures. To what degree did they 
face ethnic harassment? Newspapers occasionally 
referred to Basques in pejorative terms and children 
were taunted with "dirt black Baskos." (p. 195) As 
immigrant historians increasingly turn their attention 
to the West, these are all areas for further exploration. 

In this volumes the editors have succeeded in 
providing an important work which helps correct the 
"lonely Basque shepherd" stereotype by showing the 
richness and breadth of Basque influence. The carefully 
sequenced essays are well-documented, often with 
explanatory footnotes. Both scholar and aficionado of 
immigrafion and western history will find this highly 
engaging and informative collection rewarding. 

Janet E. Worrall 

University of Northern Colorado 

Winter 2000 


American Indians & National Parks. By Robert 
H. Keller and Michael F. Turek. Lincoln: 
University of Nebraska Press, 1998. xxii + 319 
pp. Maps, illus.. index. Cloth. $40. 

Are American Indians "natural" environmentalists? 
Should they be? Are national parks something other 
than "Indian land"? Why? What happens when interests, 
perceived or real, of Indian peoples come into conflict 
with National Parks Service objectives and, to add spice 
to this soup, with the activities of businessmen and 
environmental organizations? 

These are just a few of the questions addressed in 
American Indians and National Park.s, a wonderfully 
informative and readable volume by Robert H. Keller 
and Michael F. Turek. Their purpose is to offer an 
introduction to this important topic, and indeed to bring 
to light an issue not well understood by scholars of 
American Indian history, environmental historians, or 
the public at large: namely, that Indians and national 
parks share a histor>' but it is a relationship characterized 
as much by misperception and conflict as understanding 
and meaningful compromise. 

In a very real sense, this is a book about interactions. 
The authors remind us that both the National Park 
Service and Bureau of Indian Affairs are housed in the 
Department of the Interior and have jurisdiction over 
lands administered or "reserved" by the federal 
government. Tellingly, when the nineteenth century 
artist and chronicler of Indian life George Catlin 
proposed the creation of "a Nation's Park" (p. 19), he 
envisioned preserving plains Indian lifeways along with 
the natural environment. For Catlin then, as for many 
Americans today, Indians are part of the environment, 
existing away from and before the corruption of human 

But that idealized relationship is the stuff of legend, 
movies, and New Age spiritualism. Nevertheless, myth 
also lies at the heart of relations between parks and 
tribes. "The oldest habit of conservationist and Park 
Service thinking," the authors point out, "has been to 
overlook tribal welfare" (p. 18), and in the course of 
eleven well-written chapters they proceed to document 
this complex relationship. Beginning with Lake 
Superior Chippewas of Red Cliff and Bad River Indian 
Reservations working out a landmark agreement 
restricting the expansion of the Apostle Islands National 
Lakeshore, Keller and Turek take us on a tour of selected 
parks and Indian communities, all in the west save one 
exception. Along the way, we encounter Navajos and 
the Grand Canyon, Seminoles and the Everglades, Utes 

and Mesa Verde, myths about historical relationships 
of Indians to Yellowstone, and the manifold compli- 
cations concerning tribes and Olympic National Park 
in Washington. Through it all, the authors document a 
situation where idealized Indians are used to draw well- 
heeled Americans to parks, particularly at Glacier and 
the Grand Canyon, while actual Indian communities 
must struggle to continue living on their lands, lest they 
destroy its natural state. Along the way, we find that 
environmentalists, who also have employed images of 
Indians in public relations campaigns, have no use for 
real native peoples and, ironically, the much-maligned 
Bureau of Indian Affairs emerges as the most consistent 
and effective advocate for tribal interests. 

None of this should suggest that relationships across 
time and place are of one kind. Keller and Turek are 
careful to distinguish between productive compromise 
and continuing bitterness, all the while offering a sense 
that historical specifics matter. The Supai camp near 
the Grand Canyon, for instance, demonstrates a mode 
of interaction between Indians and the landscape far 
different from that observed by the Makahs in Olympic 
National Park, and the abysmal treatment of Indians in 
and nearby Yosemite did not prove the model for future 
interactions. In fact, one senses that Indians have 
become more adept at protecting their rights over time, 
even if their victories sometimes come at the expense 
of environmental preservation. This describes another 
irony certainly but also the developing effectiveness of 
tribal legal action and all that entails. 

In all, this is a satisfying volume. Wyoming natives 
and those interested in the history of Yellowstone 
National Park will find the authors' careful 
deconstruction of the myth that Indians feared geysers 
and thus avoided the park particularly interesting and 
important. On the other hand, environmentalists may 
object to the authors" characterization of their move- 
ment's objectives and leaders' activities for in the end 
"doctrinaire environmentalists" (p. 1 1 2 )-and long-time 
Sierra Club president David Browder — come off 
particularly badly. That this may amount to less than a 
fair characterization suggests one weakness in the book: 
the authors sometimes take sides. But if they tip their 
hand, they generally do so gently. More often, American 
Indians & National Parks is a balanced, satisfying read 
that leaves the reader wanting more— in this case a 
similar treatment of the many sites not covered in this 
volume. The authors consider their work a first step, a 
prologue in a way, and one hopes this is true. 

Brian Hosmer 
University of Wyoming 


Annals oi Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal 

La Gente: Hispano History and Life in 
Colorado. Edited by Vincent C. De Baca. Niwot: 
University Press of Colorado, 1999. xx + 294 
pages. Ilhis.. notes, bib., index. Paper, $21.95. 

The organization of this anthology is based upon "La 
Gente: Hispanos in Colorado," a permanent exhibition 
at the Colorado History Museum in Denver. Thus, three 
essays relate to the theme "Settlement in the North, 
1800-1900," four others to "Displacement and 
Adaptation, 1 900- 1 945," and the final four to "Growing 
Diversity, 1945-Present." The editor, Vincent C. De 
Baca, characterizes the collection as a "major step 
toward explaining the dynamic experience of La Gente 
in Colorado" (p. viii), and hopes that it will lead to the 
writing of a general history of Hispanos in Colorado 
(p. viii). 

Both the characterization and the hope are laudable, 
but the essays are too limited in scope and uneven in 
quality to support such an ambitious project. The first 
three articles are illustrative. Deborah Mora-Espinosa's 
brief sketch about the colorful life of Teresita Sandoval, 
a mestiza settler of early Pueblo, is based on a solid 
foundation of secondary sources. The memoir of Elfido 
Lopez, recalling his life as a cowboy in the Purgatory 
River Valley, benefits from a graceful translation of 
his colloquial Spanish by Richard Louden, who has 
enriched Lopez's account with abundant notes and 
documentation. The translation of the memoir of Pablo 
Cabeza de Baca is accompanied by the text of the 
Spanish original but is badly in need of explanatory 

Elsewhere in the anthology, the same imbalance 
occurs between scholarly, well-documented essays and 
pieces of an informal, popular variety. The first include 
M. Edmund Vallejo's "Recollection of the Colorado 
Coal Strike, 1913-1914" and Tanya W. Kulkosky's 
"Mexican Migrant Workers in Depression-era 
Colorado," whereas Jose Aguayo's ''Los Betabeleros 
(the Beetworkers)" focussed upon the Ortega family, 
immigrants to Texas then Colorado during the Mexican 
Revolution, lacks both notes and a bibliography. Some 
of the essays, including a few of the more popular ones, 
are worthwhile for their disparate points of view. Katie 
Davis Gardner's study of a make-work program 
instituted during the Depression, the Valdez Rug 
Project, praises its underwriter, the Rockefeller-owned 
Colorado Fuel and Iron Company, for its "progressive 
approach to employee services" (p. 144). Vallejo's 
portrayal of the CF&I notes, by contract, its notorious 
hostility to employee grievances and to unionization. 

Similarly, the piece by George Rivera, Jr., and others 
on Denver's Westside Coalition, formed to preserve a 
Chicano neighborhood from misguided Urban Renewal 
initiatives, deals in part with the Coalition's opposition 
to Rodolfo (Corky) Gonzalez's much more militant 
Alliance for Justice. The essay on Gonzalez by Ernesto 
Vigil is an excellent, unabashedly sympathetic survey 
of the Alliances's rise and decline. 

Another study, more popular in character, is an 
admiring profile of Diana Velazquez, a ciirandera or 
practitioner of traditional folk medicine. The most im- 
pressive scholarly contribution to the collection is 
Devon G. Peiia's study, "Cultural Landscapes and 
Diversity," which argues convincingly on behalf of 
Hispanic village patterns of land use and acequia-based 
irrigation techniques in northern New Mexico and 
southern Colorado and against such agribusiness-driven 
practices as center-pivot irrigation. 

The scholarly essays in the anthology appear to be 
adequately supported by secondary and some primary 
materials pertinent to their topics. The omission of such 
standard works on Hispanic Colorado as Frances Leon 
Swadesh's Los primeros pobladores and Morris 
Taylor's award-winning study of early Trinidad is 

David B. Adams 

Southwest Missouri State University 

Wilderness By Design: Landscape Architec- 
ture and the National Park Service, by Ethan 
Carr, Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 
1998, vi -I- 378 pages. Illustrations, maps, notes, 
bibliography, index. Cloth, $45. 

National parks always seem to be embroiled in 
conflict between the competing desires to preserve and 
develop nature. On one side stand the pristine 
waterways, landforms, vegetation, wildlife and air that 
contribute to the parks' essential wilderness qualities. 
On the other side loom the irrepressible human threats: 
resources extraction, farming and ranching, urbaniza- 
tion, concessionaires, road construction, crowds of 
visitors and their vehicles. Indeed, this basic human- 
nature conflict apparently lies embedded in the very 
mission of the National Park Service. The 1 9 1 6 act that 
created the service mandates that tlie agency both 
conserve nature and provide for its enjoyment. It is an 
impossible task: how are the rangers to reconcile bison 
and snowmobiles, meadows and asphalt, mountain 
peaks and RVs? 

Winter 2000 


Yet, Ethan Carr compellingly argues that preserving 
and developing nature is precisely what the early 
national parks were supposed to achieve. Landscape 
architects, who guided the creation of the parks, 
believed that development — artfully designed roads, 
trails, buildings and other structures and sties - were 
essential to the preservation of the wilderness scenery. 
Development would open the parks to people, giving 
them a common aesthetic experience that would unity 
the republic, foster park appreciation and attract tourist 
dollars ~ and thus justify scenic preservation against 
logging, mining, grazing and other forms of resource 
extraction. At the same time, sensitive development 
would allow access in such a way that the crowds 
would not destroy what they had come to see. Thus to 
landscape architects, preservation and development 
were not antithetical but complementary. 

Carr sets this largely forgotten story in the context of 
landscape architecture in the United States. In the nine- 
teenth century, Frederick Law Olmsted and other 
landscape architects borrowed the picturesque aesthet- 
ics of English estate design and applied them to New 
York's Central Park and other urban retreats. Their 
purpose was to create parks based on the land's 
inherent natural forms. Curving roads and walks, rustic 
wood and stone bridges and other structures, ponds and 
lakes, glades and meadows typified these areas and set 
them apart from the rigid geometry of the nineteenth 
century metropolis. Olmsted and like-minded archi- 
tects then adapted this basic urban "landscape park" 
design to Yosemite and other western national parks. 
Eventually, the National Park Service and its landscape 
architects, inheritors of the Olmsted vision, extended 
the principles of the landscape park to encompass 
buildings, villages and even highways. 

The National Park Service rejected the ideals of the 
landscape park in the 1960s, when the agency returned 
to ecological models of land use in which humans had 
no place. "Ecology" killed the idea that preservation 
and development were complementary objectives. 
One might question Carr's criticism of this policy 
change. Although most parks were not created with 
ecological concepts in mind, these marvelous places do 
in fact have ecological value. And no matter how well 
designed, park facilities can accommodate only a 
limited number of people and vehicles. 

But in highlighting the role of landscape architecture 
in the national parks, Carr makes an excellent point. 
They are human constructs as well. A park based on an 
ecology that sets humans in opposition to nature, as 
intruders in a natural setting, denies the parks human 
origins and purposes and thus makes it far more 

contradictory than the older landscape park. Olmsted 
and his followers could not have anticipated the 
growing importance of ecology or the pressures from 
motor vehicles. Yet their ideals were consistent and 
honest. In sorting out the problems of our national 
parks and our competing impulses to preserve and 
develop them, we would do well to read Ethan Carr's 
insightful history and consider its lessons. 

Mark Fiege 

Colorado State University 

American Forests: Nature, Culture, and Poli- 
tics. Edited by Char Miller. Lawrence: University 
Press of Kansas, 1997. Notes, index, .xiv + 290 pp. 
Cloth. $35; paper. $17.95. 

Part of the Development of Western Resources 
Series, .American Forests offers "an interdisciplinary 
collection of essays that explores the impact of forestry 
on natural and human landscapes since the mid- 
nineteenth century"{p. ix). Char Miller seeks to present 
arguments about human-forest relations and to depict 
troubling aspects in this relationship. He divides the 
fourteen previously published essays into five parts. 

Part L "Roots of Forestry," emphasizes the origins of 
forest management before 1900. Donald Pisani, 
president of the American Society of Environmental 
History, explains that late nineteenth century scientists 
observed the environmental degradation of industrial- 
izing American and rallied around the "fall of nations" 
theme linked to landscape destruction. Sportsmen- 
conservationists also sought forest preservation to 
increase wildlife populations according to John Reiger, 
a scholar of George Bird Grinnell. Harold Sheen, a 
long-time director of the Forest History Society, traces 
the 1870s and 1880s political arguments which ulti- 
mately led to the Forest Reserve Act (1891) and the 
Organic Act (1897). 

The second part, "First Cuts," describes the early 
development of the Forest Service's timber sale policy. 
Native American Studies professor Richmond Clow 
recounts Timber Case No. 1 (1898) in which Gifford 
Pinchot convinced the Homestake Mining Company to 
allow government sustained-yield management in the 
Black Hills. This case foreshadowed the marriage of 
the Forest Service and timber industry which Con- 
gressional Research Service scholar Robert Wolf 
addresses in his essay. Wolf concludes that the Forest 
Service never has found a way to manage forests 
satisfactorily and make them pay. 

This theme of problematic management pervades 


Annals of Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal 

Part III, "At Loggerheads." Hal Rothman, editor of 
Environmental History, portrays the loss of forest land 
to the National Park Service in the 1920s and 1930s as 
the Forest Service initially failed to compete in politics. 
Meanwhile, citizen activities, i.e., Sierra Club mem- 
bers, worked amiably with the Forest Service until 
disputes in the 1 950s over logging in the Sierras caused 
strained relations still apparent today explains Susan 
Schrepfer of Rutgers University. University of 
Alaska's Stephen Haycox characterizes Forest Service 
policy resulting in the 1947 Tongass Timber Act as 
indicative of the valuation of money over socio- 
environmental rights. Simultaneously, the post-World 
War Two timber demand spawned maximum timber 
cut with clearcutting referred to as the "Hard Haf era in 
an essay by the late dean of the University of 
Montana's School of Forestry, Arnold Bolle. 

Part IV, "Multiple Uses," proves less critical of the 
Forest Service. Brigham Young University environ- 
mental historian Thomas Alexander applauds the slow 
but steady scientific bureaucratization of forest 
management. William Robbins of Oregon State Uni- 
versity praises the Forest Service which sought to 
stabilize local communities with its sustained-yield- 
unit program. David Clary, former chief historian of 
the Forest Service, elucidates Robbins' essay by 
explaining that although the Forest Service established 
the sustained-yield-unit program of the 1940s and the 
1950s with good intentions, the program ultimately 
failed due to corporate resistance and citizen anti- 
government sentiment. Dennis Roth, another Depart- 
ment of Agriculture employee, commends the Forest 
Service for its role in the passage of the 1964 
Wilderness Act. 

The theme of Forest Service performance continues 
into Nancy Langston's epilogue. Langston, editor of 
Forest Dreams. Forest Nightmares (1995), portrays 
the agency as being caught in the middle between 
environmentalists and timber interests. She claims that 
the Forest Service possesses beneficial ideas but needs 
to go beyond timber management to forest health. 

This book best serves as a reader for those interested 
in the history of forest issues. Future editions would 
benefit from more recent essays and the inclusion of 
essays from affiliates of the timber industry to balance 
the arguments. Also, a timeline or chronology of major 
forest-related developments would prove most helpful. 
Nonetheless, this books adds well to the Department of 
Western Resources Series. 

Ken Zontek 
University of Idaho 

Frontier Soldier: An Enlisted Man's Journal of 
the Sioux and Nez Perce Campaigns, 1877. 
Edited by Jerome A. Greene. Helena: Montana 
Historical Society, 1998. 18] pp. Illus., maps, 
index. Cloth, $32; paper, $15.95. 

Campaigning on the western frontier during the 
Indian Wars of the 1870s, from the common soldier's 
viewpoint, was an amalgamation of drudgery, boredom, 
and hardship punctuated by sporadic and sometimes 
sustained fighting. The written record about those 
campaigns is largely the work of officers who were 
generally the only participants able to write lucid 
accounts but who ignored the commong soldier's 
experiences and feelings, except for occasional acts of 
bravery. Most enlisted personnel left no written 
memorabilia reflecting their experiences, hardships and 
fears. Filling this void is Frontier Soldier, the journal 
of Second Cavalryman William F. Zimmer about his 
observations and experiences during the Sioux and Nez 
Perce Campaigns of 1877. 

Zimmer, a German immigrant, probably had very 
little formal education, but his account is very readable. 
His entries provide an insightful look from an enlisted 
man's perspective about life in the field during an 
arduous eight month campaign, including detailed 
descriptions of the Lame Deer fight and the battle of 
Bear's Paw Mountains which ended the Nez Perce War. 
Regrettably Zimmer omits any reference to his 
participation, experiences, feelings or fears in those 
engagements which would have enhanced the historical 
value of the journal. 

His daily recitals of setting up and taking down camps 
and the availability and suitability of water, wood, and 
grass tend to become as tedious to the reader as they 
probably were to the soldier in the field. The monotony 
is relieved by descriptions of the topography and flora 
and fauna along the campaign trail. One cannot help 
but wonder how Zimmer acquired a detailed knowledge 
about plant and animal life in Montana. 

Life and death of the soldier was dependent on the 
well-being of his horse and mule. Zimmer's diary belies 
the modem notion that the American cavalryman took 
better care of his horse than he did of himself. Officers 
seemed to give little thought to the suitability of the 
next day's route of march or campsite, for entry after 
entry reports little or no grass or bad water. At one point, 
forage and supplies were so low that the troops were 
advised to be ready to eat horsemeat if supplies did not 
arrive in two days. Zimmer tersely remarked that after 
supplies had arrived, worn out horses and mules were 

Winter 2000 


abandoned to their fate on the prairie. While Zimmer 
reports bringing back his horse in good condition, he 
observed that many other soldiers wore out three or 
four animals, and probably only 50 percent of the horses 
returned to the fort at the end of the campaign. 

Hollywood's romantic notions about the American 
cavalryman on the western frontier are somewhat 
tarnished by Zimmer's anecdotes of reality. Some 
troopers were unceremoniously dumped by their horses 
into icy waters of the Yellowstone River. Others were 
thrown, not shot, from their saddles during the charge 
on Muddy Creek. Pay day invariably produced drunken 
brawls and shootings. 

National Park historian Jerome A. Greene edited and 
annotated the journals, correcting Zimmer's poor 
spelling, and in some instances inserting or correcting 
punctuation for the sake of clarity. The syntax, 
vocabulary, and choice of subject matter remain as 
originally written by Zimmer. In addition, Greene's 
notes are thorough and informative, with succinct 
biographical material about officers and enlisted alike 
and historical explanations of Zimmer's oblique 
references to earlier skirmishes at various sites and his 
details about steamboats ferrying soldiers on and across 
the Montana rivers. 

Frontier Soldier is a valuable addition to the available 
materials about the Great Sioux War and the end of the 
Nez Perce conflict. It is too bad that Zimmer did not 
write more about his military experiences. If other 
writings are ever found, I hope that Jerome Greene will 
edit and annotate those as well. 

V. Rodney Hallberg 
Cheyenne, Wyoming 

Massacre at Cheyenne Hole: Lieutenant Austin 
Henely and the Sappa Creek Controversy. By John 
H. Monnett. Niwot: University Press of Colorado, 1999. 

II I us., map. bib., index. Cloth. $22.50. 

This book concerns one of those minor albeit bloody 
engagements of the Indian Wars that occurred in western 
Kansas in April 1875 when a small detachment of the 
6th U.S. Cavalry tracked and ultimately attacked a band 
of Southern Cheyennes camped on Sappa Creek, a 
tributary of the Republican River. The Cheyennes had 
recently left Indian Territory after an uprising at the 
Darlington Agency and were fleeing north in an attempt 
to find shelter among the Northern Cheyennes. Most 
of the Indian participants, including women and 
children, were killed when the warriors apparently chose 
to fight rather than surrender to soldiers. The village 

was then burned. Lieutenant Austin Henely, the officer 
in command, admitted the inadvertent deaths of non- 
combatants in his report. The encounter was quickly 
forgotten and remained so until the early years of the 
1900s when massacre allegations first surfaced and were 
subsequently sparked into raging controversy amid the 
surge of revisionism that overwhelmed American 
historical scholarship and western history, in particular, 
during the 1960s and beyond. 

In this meticulously researched work the author's goal 
is to arrive at a balanced judgement of the events of 
that day and to do so by sifting through and evaluating 
all known primary and secondary sources. The book is 
logically divided into two parts. The first part deals 
with the background of the clash of cultures on the 
Great Plains in the years preceding the battle plus the 
circumstances and details of the battle itself. The second 
part examines the Sappa Creek sources and the 
controversy and provides the author's interpretation and 

Monnett's effort is indeed hard to fault. This is a slim 
volume of fewer than 150 pages, but is complete as it 
stands. It is rewarding to find an author who does not 
equate verbosity and redundancy with conciseness and 
clarity in scholarly writing. It is particularly refreshing 
to find one who openly deplores the moralizing .selective 
sourcing agenda based research and political correctness 
which forms so much of the pejorative, revisionist 
scholarship predominant in western history in recent 

In the second section, the author makes a convincing 
case that the Sappa Creek controversy that persists today 
is based upon flawed or inconclusive evidence at best. 
Indeed, for decades after the battle the details as 
described in the book were not contested by either side. 
The exceedingly sparse primary source material is 
scrutinized as is each pertinent secondary source 
including those from the Indian side. Few secondary 
materials stand up under this careful examination. Two 
flagrant examples suffice for this review. Monnett shows 
that many of the assertions about the Sappa Creek 
incident and much of the gruesome evidence cited by 
Mari Sandoz in her influential, revisionist book 
Cheyenne Autumn appears based upon flawed sources 
plus her own imagination and embellishment. Gene 
West writing for Real West in 1963 simply invents 
dialogue to profile Lt. Henely as a psychotic killer. 
Previous efforts by historians such as G. Derek West to 
demonstrate the lack of proof for the massacre assertion 
have proven futile. In summary, the author convincingly 
argues that the actual events at Sappa Creek will always 
remain a mystery because no original evidence exists 


Annals ot Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal 

to show that a deliberate massacre occurred. Sadly, 
modern Cheyennes have fully accepted the flawed 
accounts and have woven them into their tribal history, 
but the author does take pains to explain the Indian 
views of the cultural conflict and concedes that the two 
sides will probably never agree. 

Monnett's work merits full marks and is a welcome 
example of unbiased research. Graduate student and 
young scholars would do well to use this book as a 
guide when analyzing source credibility. This book 
clearly belongs in academic libraries. 

J.B. Neal 
Fort Collins 

Holding Stone Hands: On the Trail of the 
Cheyenne Exodus. By Alan Boye. Lincoln: 
University of Nebraska Press, 1999. xiv + 347 pp. 
Cloth, $29.95. 

On September 9, 1878, an hegira of unimaginable 
suffering began as nearly 300 Northern Cheyenne led 
by Dull Knife and Little Wolf slipped the shackles of 
Army control and fled from Fort Reno, Indian Territory 
to their homeland in Montana. They had landed in 
Indian Territory as a result of the Army's mopping up 
following Lieutenant Colonel George Custer's defeat 
two summers earlier. In this foreign barren plain, hunger 
and disease plagued the Cheyenne who cast a nostalgic 
eye to the north where, said Little Wolf, they "were 
always healthy" (p. 26). Pleas from the Cheyenne to 
return north, garnished with promises of peace, fell 
lifeless at the feet of government officials struggling 
with an ill-advised policy to consolidate all Indians, of 
every hue and stripe, into Indian Territory. On the 
evening of September 9, despairing and desparate, the 
Northern Cheyenne slipped into the darkness as 
unsuspecting Army guards watched over empty tepees 
and flickering, unattended fires. 

Over the next six weeks embarrassed soldiers pursued 
the Cheyenne across Kansas and Nebraska. The group 
split in two: one band led by Little Wolf, the other by 
Dull Knife. Eventually, Dull Knife's group surrendered 
to imprisonment at Fort Robinson, Nebraska. Told they 
would be returned to Indian Territory, they broke out 
of their barracks prison in January 1879 only to be 
hunted down and killed or recaptured. Meanwhile, Little 
Wolf's group evaded capture and surrendered peacefully 
at Fort Keogh, Montana in April 1879 The nation's 
outrage over the treatment of Dull Knife s people and 
the admiration engendered by the success of Little 
Wolf's band won for the Northern Cheyenne a reser- 

vation in the Montana homeland, where Dull Knife died 
in 1883. 

In 1995 Alan Boye, a professor of English, climbed 
out of his brother's car parked on the roadside in central 
Oklahoma, strapped on a backpack, and began a 
pedestrian journey taking him over the route of Dull 
Knife's Cheyenne exodus. Usually traveling alone but 
frequenfly joined by Cheyenne descendants, Boye 
experienced an odyssey of personal discovery. In 
Holding Stone Hands he recounts his experiences 
interwoven with the history of the Cheyenne flight. The 
result is a wonderfully sculpted story of today and 
yesterday, of the of the timeless human capacity to 
survive through dogged determination, to suffer loss 
without loss of will, and to forgive but not forget the 

On Boye's canvas time evaporates. The pursing 
soldier, the beleaguered Cheyenne, the Nebraska farmer, 
Boye, and his traveling companions all stand together 
on the wind-swept plains. The place, the people, the 
events are all connected ~ the when is irrelevant. Time 
doesn't heal all. The pain of then is felt now. 

The inseparability of then with now is captured in 
the title. One day one of Boye's Cheyenne companions 
found a stone that he picked up and walked with the 
rest of the day. He said it felt like he was holding a 
small child's hand, and he remembered the many small 
children's hands held by the Cheyenne adults during 
the exodus. "So today," he told Boye, "I was holding 
one of those child's hands too" (p. 248). You will believe 
he was. ' 

Readers will find some faults with this book. 
Historians like indexes and there isn't one. Crazy Horse 
was stabbed to death, not shot (p. 295). I abhor the 
word "squaw," but Boye uses it (see pp. 278, 289, and 
29 1 , for examples). Any reprints of this volume should 
have that word exorcised. However, such failings do 
not detract from the overall story. For anyone with an 
affinity for Native Americans, their history and culture, 
the Great Plains, and journeys of self-discovery, this 
book is a page-turner. 

Larry C. Skogen 
Cheyenne, Wyoming 


An error was made in typesetting the author's name of 
a book reviewed in the last issue. The book, Take Two 
and Hit to Right: Golden Days on the Semi-Pro Dia- 
mond, was written by Hobe Hays. 
A credit line was omitted from the map appearing on 
page 29. The map was courtesy of Beinecke Rare Book 
and Manuscript Library, Yale University. 



Adams, David D,, reviewer. 42 
Alexander. Col, Hdmund B , 9-14. 18 
American Forests Nature. Culture, and 

Politics, reviewed. 43 
American Indians & National Parks. 

reviewed. 41 
Andrews. Lt.Col George. 21. 24 
Anna Miller Museum. 37 
Armistice Day. .^ 
Auld Lang Syne. 4 
Bagpipes. 4 
Baker. Jim. 15 
bank failures, 35 
bank holiday. 35 
Bartletson. John. 17. 18 
bears. 32 

Bell. Sen. John. 20 
Berry Hotel. 38 
Bitter Creek. 17 
Blackburn. Roland. 28. 30 
Black's Pork. 12. 13. 15 
blizzard. 13 
Boye. Alan. "Holding Stones," 

reviewed. 46 
Bray, L.T.. 26. 27. 28. 30 
Bridger. Jim. 15.18 
Bridger's Pass, 17 
Brigham Young Express and Carrying 

Co , 8 
Brown. L A.. 34 
Brown. Mabel E,. (author. 34-37). bio. 

Bryan. Lt. FT, 15.21.24 
Buchanan. Pres. James, 7-9. 20-22 
Bums. Robert, statue of, 2-4 
Burton. Col R T, 12 
Cache Cave. 13 
Cache la Poudre River. 15 
Caledonian Club, 4 
Cambria, 35 
Cambria Company. 35 
Camp Floyd. 24 

Camp Scott, 15, 17, 18, 19, 22, 24 
Camp Scott, (illus. 19) 
Camp Supply. 15 
Camp Winfield. 12. 13 
Campbell. Mrs Fred B. 38 
Carlin.l.t. WilliamP,.21 
Carroll. Murray L , (author, 6-23). bio. 

Carter, William A . 24 
Cass, Lewis. 7, 21.22 
Caudel. Robert E . 37 
Cedar Valley. 24 
Cherokee-California trail, 15 
Cherry Creek. 3 1 
Cheyenne Indians. 9 
Cheyenne Pass, 14. 17 
Cheyenne Pass-Bridger Pass trail 14. 

Clay, John. 3 
Cody, William P.. 11 
Cook Drum Corps, 4 
Cooke. Lt. Colonel Philip St George, 9. 

13-15, 19,(illus,, 13) 
Cotter's Saturday Night. 5 
Crowley, John F , diary, 25-33 
Cumming, Alfred, 7, 2 1 -24, (illus, 22) 
Cunningham, Walter. 35. 36 


Davis. Jefferson. 20 

De Baca, Vincent C , editor. "La 

Gente," reviewed. 42 
Denke. Dave. 37 
Denver city government. 4 
Denver City Park. 5 
Denver Post, 3. 37 
Devereaux. Harry, 37 
Devereaux, Jack. 36. 37 
"Diary of John F. Crowley." 25-33 
Dickey. WE. 34. 38 
Dixon. Arch. 36 
Dotson. Peter. 24 
Dow. Charles. 35. 38 
Dow Garage. 38 
Driscoll.R. E .35 
Drummond. W W.8 
Dufor. Eli. 13 
Durfee. Jay. 38 
Eecles. DelanaR,. 15 
Ecclesville. Utah. 15 
Echeverria. Jeronima. Portraits of 

Basques, reviewed, 40 
Echo Canyon, 12, 21 
Eckels, DelanaR, 24 
election, at Laramie ( 1 868), 33 
Emerson, Gov Frank, 5 
Etulain, Richard, Portraits of 

Basques, reviewed, 40 
Fairfield, Utah, 24 
Farella, Batista, 37 
Federal Deposit Insurance Corpora- 
tion, 36 
Ficklin, Benjamin F., 1 7 
Fiege. Mark, reviewer 43 
Fifth Infantry, 9 
Fillmore. Pres Millard. 7 

Fire. Newcastle. 38 

First National Bankof Deadwood. 34Kellar. Earl. 37 

First State Bank ofNewcastle. 34 Keller. Robert H 

haggis. 4 

Haight, Capt. H D . II 

Haines. William. 37 

Hallberg. V Rodney, reviewer. 45 

Ham's Fork. 17 

Hansen. Andy. 35.36, 37 

Hansen, Clarence, 36 

Hardy, - . the prize fighter. 33 

Hamey.Gen, W. S. 7,9. 12 

Henry's Fork. 14. 15, 19 

Hibbard. A,0. 26.31 

Hickok. Wild Bill, 11 

Higman. William J.. 4. 5 

HotYman.Lt. Col, William. 18.22- 

Holding Stone Hands; On the Trail 

of the Cheyenne, reviewed, 

Hornby, Helens. 3 7 
Hornby, William H. 37. 38 
Hosmer. Brian, reviewer. 41 
Houston, Sen, Sam, 20 
Howe, Frank S , 35 
Howell, Donal, 37 
Hunt, A. B, 30 
Hunter, George, 35 
Hunt, Rueben, 34-36, 38 
Hutton, Charles. 27 
ice house, 28 
Ilsley, Harry P., 35. 36 
Iverson, Sen, Alfred. 20 
Jackson, B, A., 25, 27, 30, 32 
Janis. Antoine, 18 
JetTerson Barracks, Missouri. 9 
Johnston. Col Albert Sidney 9-10. 

12-15. 17-18. 20-23. (illus,. 

Jording. Don. 37. 38 
Kane, Thomas L. 20. 21.22 

American Indians 

Flathead valley. 17 
Floyd.JohnB., 7. 20 
Fontenelle Creek, 13 
Fort Bridger, 

10. 12, 14. 15. 19. 

(illus,. 16) 
Fort Laramie, 18, 19, 22 
Fort Leavenworth, 7.10. 19 
Fort Massachusetts. New Mexico, 1 5 
Fort Randall. Dakota Territory. 9 
Fort Sanders 25-33 
Fort Supply. 10. 12 
Fort Union. 15. 17 
Fort Walla Walla. 17 
Eraser.-. 27.28.31 
Freeman and Wright building. 32 
Frontier Soldier: An Enlisted Man's 

Journal, reviewed, 44 
Gamley, Henry S,,5 
Gibbon, General, 25 
Gilchrist, Andrew and Mary, 4 
Gilchrist Park, 5 
Girring, C.,31 
Goodale.Tim, 15 

Gove, Capt. Jesse A, 13,14,21,23 
Green River. 1 1 
Greene, Jerome A , ed . Frontier 

Soldier, reviewed, 44 

and National Parks, reviewed. 

Kilmarnock Bums Memorial and 

Museum, 4 
1, 23, 24Kimball.Hiram,8' 
Kirtland. Ohio. 23 
Knox. Isabelle Crane. 4 
24 La Gente Hispano History and Life 

in Colorado, reviewed. 42 
Lake Utah. 24 

Laramie City, first building at. 29 
Laramie plains. 3 1 
Laramie Valley. 15 
Lewis. EH. 28 
Lincoln. Abraham, on Robert 

Bums. 3 
Little Laramie Crossing. 3 1 
Little Laramie River. 26 
Loring.Col W W.15.22 
Lowry and Beal. 28 
Lynde, Major-. 18 
Mackenzie. Murdo. 3 
Mackler. L, E,36 
Madigan, Maria, 25 
Magraw. William MF. 8. 17 
Mandel, Philip, 26 
Marcy.Capt Randolph, 12, 15, 17, 

22. (illus,, 14, 17) 

Marcy-Loring party, 23 
Massacre at Cheyenne Hole. 

reviewed. 45 
Matador Land and Cattle 

Company. 3 
Matson. Johnny, 38 
McCue, Miriam Crowley, ed . 

"Diary of John W 

Crowley," 25 
McCulloch. Ben. 7.22 
McGilvray. William B. 4 
McGonnigle. - 33 
Medicine Bow station. 25 
Medicine Bow River, 15 
Metcalf Capt, - , 27, 30, 33 
Miller, Char, editor of American 

Forests, reviewed, 43 
Miller, Fred, 27 
Miracle, Robert, 38 
Mohl, Elmer, 37 
Monnett, John, Massacre at 

Cheyenne Hole, reviewed. 

Mormon guerillas, 19 
Mormon Navoo Legion, 1 1 
Mormon war, 7-20 
Mormons, 7-20 
Morton, Sgt, William, 1 5 
Nason, John H,, 34 
Nauvoo, Illinois, 20, 23 
Neal, J. B,, reviewer, 46 
Nefsy, Frank, 37 
Nefsy, William, 37 
Newcastle Men's Store, 35 
Newcastle News Letter, 34 
Newlin, Dale, 37 
Newman, E., 31 
Ogdensburg, N, Y, 25 
Ogivily, Lyulph ("Lord"), 3 
O'Neils engineering party, 28 
Oregon Trail, 9 
Oregon-California Trail, 24 
Osage, Wyo,, 34 
Pacific Springs, 15 
Panama, 20 
Patterson, Alan, 3 
Penney Company, 35 
Perry, -,11 

Pierce, Pres Franklin, 7, 8 
Porter, MajFitz John, 18 
Portraits of Basques in the New 

World, reviewed, 40 
posse comitatus, 7 
Powell, Lazarus W, ,2 1,22 
Prescott, Ontario, Canada 25 
Pullman, George, 4 
Rankin, - 1 1 
Raton Pass, 1 5 
Reed, Daniel, 36 
Reed, Myron W,. 4 
Regimental band. Camp Scott. 

(illus,, 18) 
Robert Bums statue in Cheyenne, 

2-4, (illus, 2) 
Robert Bums statue in City Park, 

Denver, 2-4, (illus, ,2) 
Robert Bums's birthdav (January 

25), 3 
Roberts. Clyde D., 35-38 

Roberts, Elizabeth Mary, 36 

Roberts, M.C.. 34 

Robinson, Lewis, 10. 21 

Rock Creek, 28, 33 

Ross, -.31 

Ross, Donn, 37 

Ross, Nellie Tayloe, on banks. 36 

Ross, Peter, 4 

Russell & Waddell, 9 

Russell, Majors and Waddell 22. 24 

St. Andrew's Day CNovember 30), 3 

St. David's Day (March 1), 3 

St. George's Day (April 23), 3 

St. Patrick's Day (March 1 7), 3. 30 

salt, 18 

Salt Lake City, 14, 22 

Salt Lake Valley. 10, 12, 14, 20 

Savings Bond Drive, 36 

Schnitzler Corporation. 37 


Schoonmaker. Walter, 35 

Scots immigrants. 3 

Scott. Lieutenant General Winfield 

Scott. 7. 9, 12.14 
Scottish-American identity. 3 

2nd Cavalry Regiment 9 

2nd Dragoons 9 

Security State Bank (Newcastle). 

Sedgwick. Rhonda. 38 
Seminole War, 9 
Seventh Infantry Regiment 

(illus) 6 
Seventy-five Years with the First 

State Bank. 34 
sheep ranching. 3 
Sheridan, Gen. Philip, 31 
Sibley. Henry H.. 19 
Sibley tents, 19 
Simpson. Lewis, 1 1 
Skogen. Larry C. reviewer, 46 
Slough's Brigade Band. 25 
Smith.Lt.Col.C.F.. 12, 13 
Smith, Lot, 1 1, 12, 15, (illus., 1 1) 
Smith, Wallace, 36 
Soda Spring, 17 
South Pass, 13, 15 
South Pass road, 1 8 
Speer, Robert W, 4 
Stansbury, Capt. H. H., 18 

Stansbury's route, 17 

State of Deseret, 7 

Stevenson, A. Grant, sculptor, 4, 5 

Stock Growers National Bank, 5 

Sullivan, John, 37 

Swan Land and Cattle Co., 3 

Swanson, Gordon, 37 

Symbolizing the Scottish- 
American Connection, 2-5 

Szasz, Ferenc M. (author), 2-5, bio, 

Taos-Fort Laramie trail, 15 

Taylor, Major Joseph, 1 2 

Taylor, Robert, 3 

10th Infantry, 9 

Three Rivers Crossing, 12 

Tie City, 28 

Toombs, Sen. Robert, 20 

Turek, Michael F., reviewed, 41 

Tyler, Robert, 9 

Updike, Hugh,35 

Utah Act, 7 

Utah Expedition, 6-23 

UtahTenitory 7, 9, 10 

Van Vliet, Capt. Stewart, 1 0, 1 2 

Vine, Jimmy, 30 

Walker, Robert J. 9 

Weare, H. G.,34 

Wells, Gen. David H, 11-13 

Weston County Bank,34 

Weston County Fairgrounds,38 

Wilde, A. E., 36 

Wilderness By Design: Landscape 

Architecture, reviewed 42 
Winchell, Walter, 36 
Wood, C. L., 35 
Worrall, Janet E., reviewer 40 
Wright, Charles, 32 
Wyoming Bankers Association, 38 
Wyoming Memories, 34 
Wyoming Sojourn of the Utah 

Expedition, 1857-1858, 6-23 
Wyoming (town), 33 
Young 10, 18, 20, 21, 22, 24 
Young, Brigham 7 
Zontek, Ken, reviewer 44 

Wyoming Picture 

Resting the horses at a liveiy stable in Sundance. The old Crook County Courthouse is shown in the right 
background. Pictured are: Ed Laffer. an unknown person. Kate Hawkin. and Lester Mauch. 

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ry Journal Vol. 72, No. 

On tke C 


"The Grand Council Held 

at Crook's Headquarters on Goose Creek, 

June 15, 1876" 

The engraving on the cover appeared in Franix Leslie 's lUiis- 
trated Newspaper on Sept. 2, 1876. The drawing accompa- 
nied a long stoiy. written by "our correspondent in Wyoming 
territoy. " about General George Crook 's Rosebud campaign. 

The editor of Annals of Wyoming welcomes manuscripts and photographs on every aspect of the history of Wyoming and the West. 
Appropriate for submission are unpublished, research-based anicles which provide new information or which offer new interpretations 
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dressed to Editor. Annals of Wyoming, P. 0. Box 4256, University Station, Laramie WY 82071. 


Pliil Rolurtf 

Book Rc\'iew r.ilitor 


Itditorial Acn i^ory Board 

barnara biigart, L\'an?t('n 

Manel Brown, Ni'Wt.M:?tlt'/V nt'xentif 

Muliacl |. DfvwK-, l..,i.,n,,u 

lamcf B. Grilfitli, )r, CIu-\liiiu> 

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L..1VI1 lo~l, k'mrl.Hi 

I ).i\-n! k.illiL-.i, IvnL- ^prm^^ 

1 A Lai^iMl, L.ll.iniir 

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Tli,nii,ls F ^lrllOLlo, C■l^pL■r 
La^'rence M- Woink. WorLmJ 

W\'()niin£ btatc I listorical ^<icietv 
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Njik-v Cuiii^^, l^ikiul.i II M X,,clcx..lTK,u) 

RiUyMvc.,>, \\1uMlLi.ul(cx-„fT,cu.) 
LoR-n |o~l, knvrt.Hi (cx-oITilu.) 
I'lul Kolu-rlj, l.arainK'(rx-..ffiC)o) 

Wyoming State Historical Society 
Executive C \)mniittee 

M,Lv|,.nlin.^ IVL-ulrlll, N.^ 

Dave lav lor, Ul Wee Pic* , Caf pur 

Icrmy Wiilu, :,„! \',.c Prcf., BcdlorJ 

Limja Fanian, t'e-i, rt-lan', Lluneniu' 

OicL' Wilder, Trca.uivr.C.jy" 

PatU' Myer?, W'luMtLiiu! 

Amy Lau'reiKc, LaraiiiiL" 

Jdvce W'arnlcc, [iMTiiiscti'ii 

LloyJ ToJJ. Slurulan 

Judy \\e?t, Memlu-r>lup Coordinator 

Ciovernor oi Wyoming' 
)im Oerinticr 

Wyoming Ocpt. ol State Parks and 
Cultural Ivcsourct'S 

)olin Keclc, Director 

Wvoniins Parks f'' Cintiiral Resources 

William iViNoi-, Cliewnne 
Cliarle- A Cuieiin, LarainK' 
I )iaiin Reefe, l.\'maii 
kosie Bertjer, Hit! I lorn 
B. Byron Price, CotK' 
llerli rreuL-ii, New.a~tle 
Pranlc 1 im Uanell, ^IiosIumii 
Jeanne Uiclcey, Cluyenne 
Hale Kreycilc, Ooutjla? 

Universitv or Wyoming 

Pllihp Duf.ois, IV^ulcnl 
MicnaelJ. Dcmiic, Director, 

.\merican Ilcritatlo Center 
Oliver Walter, Dean, 

College of .\rl^ ami ^licikc^ 
William I I. ,\loore, Cliair, Dept, of History 

Printed ny Pioneer IVintin^, Cneyenne 

nals of 


Th e Wyoming Historv jouriinl 

Spring 2000 \y. 72. \,i. 2 

Finding His NicKe: FAX'. Oil, A Gernicin Pi.Mislicr 

BvCarl llallberc; '^ ^'^' ^H 


Fignting Over tlie Cascade Corner of 

Yellowstone National Farlc, 1 4 1 1). ] 935 

B\' llngn I. Leivin 14 

Hi^nway Construction over tlie bimimit: 

The Cneyenne Pass-leleplione Can von Road 

By loKn E. YC^lter ' 30 

Book Reviews 

Etlitcd In' Carl I LilllxM-g 35 

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Copyright 2000, Wyoming State Historical Society 

ISSN: 1086-7368 

Finding His Niclie: 
F.U). Ott, A Oerman Publislier 

6y Carl U. Hallbrrg 

\\Mmiiim Division iit'Cultural Resources 

Frederick Wilhelm OtI. 1886 

From the time he moved to Columbus, Nebraska un- 
til his death in Laramie, Wyoming, Frederick Wilhelm 
Ott, a German immigrant, balanced his life between 
his German heritage and the cultural landscape of his 
adopted communities. 

Spri n g 2000 

In general his life was similar to that of his fellow 
countr\ men. He usually settled among other *.. 
mans in order to adapt to his new surroundings. In 
business he was industrious and bent on becoming suc- 
cessful. But Ott was far from being a typical immi- 
grant. He desired not merely to be a resident but be- 
come a leading citizen and ideally a guiding force \\ ithn 
a community, mainly as a newspaper publisher. Ambi- 
tious b\ nature, he was invariably optimistic about his 
journalistic endeavors and his future role in society. 

Onh two pictures of this aspiring individual exist. 
Thev show a handsome man with penetrating eyes 
framed bv thick, dark hair and a goatee. His portraits 
were obv ioush staged, but they captured the look of a 
self-assured, intelligent man. \'et, there was much more 
to him than the camera could see. Various personality 
traits churned underneath his dignified facade, making 
him a complex, sometimes difficult person to under- 
stand. For the most part, he was outgoing, amicable, 
and determined, but he could be dev ious. unscrupu- 
lous, and ver\ temperamental. 

For the historian, Ott is an enigmatic figure. He left 
no personal papers and copies of manv of his newspa- 
pers do not exist. Local histories have either ignored 
him or treated him as a curious footnote. Facts about 
Ott's early life have also fallen into obscurity. His obitu- 
arv has been anvthing but helpful. It appeared in the 
Laranue Booiiierang, Lanimic Republican, and the 
W'vuming Industrial Journal, and only minor editorial 
changes differentiate one text from the other.' 
Waldemar or Wally Ott, Ott's only son, who had some 
journalistic experience and who knew his father very 
well, probablv authored the initial piece. The problem 
is that some statements are more fanciful than factual. 
Impressive references to graduating from Heidelberg 
University, fighting in the Franco-Prussian War, and 
being a principal in Columbus, Nebraska, can not be 
contlrmed or are embellished or erroneous. Even his 
place of birth is disputable. He was bom in 1855, but 
various public records do not agree as to whether he 
was bom in New York or Germany. This inconsistency 
was perhaps the result of Ott's efforts to shape how 
others would see him. It is also possible that Ott was a 
product of dual migration - immigrating to the United 
States, retuming to Germany, and then returning back 
to the United States. Whatever the case, references to 
Germany outnumber those to New York. He was natu- 
ralized in Laramie, Wyoming, on March 20, ISS*).- 

The earliest account about Ott dates from the early 
1 870s when he lived in Nebraska. He claimed to have 
w orked for several vears in Omaha in the land office of 

the Union Pacific Railroad." What kind of life he lived 
cannot be determined w ith certainty. Not until Novem- 
ber 1 876 when he moved to Columbus, Nebraska, did 
Ott first emerge in the public light. Located 84 miles 
west of Omaha, Columbus was settled in 1 856 bv Ger- 
man and Swiss immigrants. By 1 876, it was the countv 
seat of Platte County, had a population of nearlv 1900 
people, and was emerging as a center of agriculture 
and light industry. Germans plaved signitlcant roles in 
the city's social, political, and economic life, so much 
so that the Columbus Era reported "A knowledge of 
the German language is not only necessary to a suc- 
cessful business in this western countrv but is also of 
the greatest advantage in our social circles."""' 

Ott arrived in Columbus as the new director and sole 
instructor of a private German school. How the Ger- 
man community leamed about him and what discus- 
sions ensued are unknown. Apparently, he sold him- 
self very well, for he was often referred to in the local 
newspaper as "professor."" The Columbus Journal af- 
fmned the selection of Ott. Ott was "undoubtedlv a 
good German scholar, and being an agreeable gentle- 
men," the Journal reported, "those who attend his 
classes may expect not only pleasure but profit.""^ The 
Columbus Era echoed this assessment and described 
him as ""one of the most successful teachers of this lan- 
guage that this country ofters.""" Whatever his back- 
ground, Ott had overwhelming public approval. 
Throughout the rest of his life, he tried to maintain a 
scholarly reputation and would usual I v be known as 
"Professor Ott."" 

The Gemian school opened for business on Novem- 
ber 20. 1 876. Given the publicity, communitv support, 
and Ott"s impeccable credentials, the schooFs future 
seemed assured. However, it could not be his onlv 
means of financial support, and Ott undertook various 
jobs to augment his income. He briefly taught classes 
in telegraphy and bookkeeping. Later he briefly tried 
his hand at selling real estate. He then opened a gen- 
eral store, which proved to be his main source of bread 

Laramie Republican. July 6, I'-'O; Laramie Boomerang, Jul\ 
6, 1909; Wyoming Industrial Journal, August 10, 1909. 

- Daily Boomerang, March 21, 1889; LIS District Court Jour- 
nal, Vol. 2 [?], 269, Albany Countv District Court, 

"' Letter from F.W. Ott to Governor William .A. Riclnards, April 
9, 1895, Appointments, Governor William ,\. Richards Records, 
Wyoming State Archives. Hereafter, Wyoming State Archives 
will he referred to as WSA. 

' Columbus Era. November 18, 1876. 

-" Columbus Journal, 'Uo\im\)ST 15, 1876. 

" Columbus Era. November 1 8, 1 876. 

Annals oi Wyoming: Wyoming History Journal 

and butter. Among his specialty items were accordions 
and Gemian books and periodicals." 

In social circles, Ott managed very well. His outgo- 
ing personalit) ser\ed him well and won him many 
friends. At some point in the parade of events, he met 
and fell in love with Erdmuthe Schroeder, the daughter 
of Charles Schroeder, a prominent businessman and 
communitN leader. On August 16, 1877, Ott and 
Erdmuthe were married.'^ To this marriage would be 
bom three children, one boy and two girls. 

\\ ithin a month after arriving in Columbus, Ott de- 
cided to exert his newfound popularity in a most ex- 
traordinar> waN . Gemian cultural life was very preva- 
lent in private and social circles, but it could be so much 
more, or so Ott thought. In December 1876, Ott an- 
nounced that he would publish a German newspaper. 
Such a bold step suggests that he had some past expe- 
rience in journalism. The Cohimhiis Jounuil expecled 
to see an issue in February 1877 but instead found it- 
self waiting for one byline of print."* While the Jour- 
nal initially encouraged Ott, it soon doubted the future 
of Ott's enterprise. It was already in competition with 
three other new spapers and wondered whether the com- 
munity could support a tlfth one. "If this enterprise 
succeeds."" the Journal commented, "...Columbus will 
he renowned for its support of newspapers.""'" But Ott 

saw the situation from a different and unique perspec- 
tive. Technically, he would not be in direct competi- 
tion with the English papers, and his energies would 
be targeted toward Germans only. More important, he 
felt that there was an untapped cultural market that only 
he could fill. If his paper succeeded, it would become a 
barometer of German culture in Eastern Nebraska, and 
Columbus would no longer stand in the shadows of 
Omaha or Lincoln. 

Ott"s timetable proved to be very premature, for the 
German Advertiser did not debut until two years later, 
in December 1878. Ott expected to publish his paper 
on an occasional basis." Yet, for all the planning and 
waiting, the life of the Advertiser consisted of just one 
issue. Several references have asserted that another 
Gemian newspaper, the Columbus Wochenblatt, was 
already in publication. This idea is problematic. No 
one is quite certain when or if the Wochenblatt was 
published. There are no public statements about its 
existence in the English language newspapers at the 

Columbus Era. Ma\ 19. 1877; Columbus JournaL No\ ember 
21, 1877 

* Platte County Marriage Book, Vol. 1-B, 282. 
" Columbus Journal. December 20, 1 876. 
'" Ibid. 
" Ibid., December 18, 1878. 

Birdseye view of Columbus, Nebraska, c. 1880 

Spring 2000 

time Ott was in Columbus. The appearance of two Ger- 
man newspapers at the same time is also very unlikeh', 
since Ott would not have gone out of his way to be a 
competitor. Two rival papers would have di\'ided rather 
than united the German communit\ . 

If there was an explanation for the short life of the 
Advertiser, it undoubtedly lay with Ott. He ma\ not 
have had the financial backing necessary to operate it. 
He ma> ha\e inflated the sense of demand for the pa- 
per in order to justify what he wanted. He ma\ have 
also been too optimistic that his paper would become a 
voice of German life in Columbus. Platte Count\ and 
Northeastern Nebraska w hen Gennan new spapers pub- 
lished elsewhere filled that need. 

After the first printing Ott lost any zeal he had in 
managing the paper, because he had found more prom- 
ising opportunities in Colorado. Glow ing reports flow ed 
from the mining camps, where discoveries of siher had 
resulted in a mining boom. So appealing to Ott was the 
prospect of quick riches that greed quickly replaced 
ethnic pride as a motivating work force. Convinced that 
his fortune lay westward, Ott announced in .lanuary 
1 879 that he was moving to Denver. He had nothing to 
lose. The Gennan School, which had long since disap- 
peared fVom the pages of the local newspapers, was 
either dead or a minor sidebar of German life. His store 
was going well, but it was hardly a means for attaining 
status in the communit>'. To Ott. Colorado was where 
he could make a name for himself 

After a brief stay in Denver, Ott moved to Leadville, 
Colorado. Silver mining had begun in Leadville in 1 876 
and would continue strong for the next few years. B\ 
the time Ott arrived, the city was in its glory. It had the 
air of a modem, cosmopolitan city and boasted a popu- 
lation of more than 14,000 people from various back- 
grounds and nationalities. Local newspapers reported 
in sensational detail how residents profited from the 
area's mineral wealth and enjoNcd a wide variety of 
cultural amenities. Ongoing and new mining operations 
and promising prospects for the future were topics of 
popular conversation, but some people were also dis- 
cussing new ideas of silver politics, worker's rights, 
and socialism. 

Ott hoped to reap his share of riches (his occupation 
in the 1880 census is stated as a prospector) but his 
attention was soon directed to Leadville's German 
population. The Leadville Demoerat estimated that the 
Gennan population numbered 5000 people and would 
soon double.'- This statement was a gross exaggera- 
tion, even if it included other Germanic peoples, but it 
reflected the \isibilit\ of Gennans on the social land- 

scape.'-' Leadville's Gennan population did rank sec- 
ond in the state behind Denver. Cjcrman-owned busi- 
nesses, subscribers to Denver's German newspapers, 
and German organizations, including a republican club, 
two tumvereins. and a Mannerehor (men's choir), sig- 
naled that German culture was alive and well in 
Leadville.'^ As in Columbus. Ott made himself well 
known in social circles and was a founding member 
and elected treasurer of the Carbonate Lodge lOOF.'' 
He may have been acquainted with a \oung German 
businessman, future Colorado millionaire and philan- 
thropist. Charles Boetcher.'" 

At the time Leadv ille's German population w as w ell 
known to readers of Denver's Gennan press, which 
graciously gave it some publicity and prestige second, 
of course, to Denver. As in Columbus. Ott thought that 
through a newspaper, he could guide the cultural life 
of the German community. Premiering in February. 
1 880. his new paper w as aptly titled Leadville Deutsche 
Zeitung\Leadville German hiewspaper). Denver's 
Colorado Post, a German weekly, was privileged to 
receive a first issue and wished the Zeitiiiii^ luck.'' 

Because German cultural life in Leadville was mark- 
edly different from that in Columbus, Ott sensed that 
his success in the publishing field was assured. Indeed, 
he seemed to be at the right place, at the right time. 
Though no issues of Ott's paper have survived todav. 
it is verv likelv that the Zeitiing became a vehicle for 
galvanizing and promoting Gennan culture, .lealous of 
its new competitor, the Leadville Denioeriii hired a 
Gennan reporter of its own. The Colorado Post sar- 
castically wondered if the Democrat was lifting news 
form the columns of the Zeitung."^ As further evi- 
dence of the Zeitung's good fortune. Leadville's Ger- 
man citizens successfully petitioned the city to publish 
citv ordinances in the Zeitii/n: for their benefit.'" Ott 

'- Daily Dcmocrnt. .laiuian 17, 1880; ColoraJn Posr. Jamiar\ 
21, 1880. 

'"' According to tlie 1880 census, the foreign-born population 
numbered 3918 people in Leadville and 7088 people in Lake 
County. (LIS Depanment of Interior, Census Office. Statistics of 
the Population of the United States at the Tentli Census (June I, 
ISSO) (Washington: Government Printing (.ItTice. 1883). 

447. 499. 

'" For example, see Leadville Democrat. Februarv 1 . 1 880. and 
February 28. 1880; Colorado Post. January 10, 1880. 

''' History of the Arkansas I'alley. Colorado (Chicago: O.L. 
Basken & Companv, 1881), 274. 

'" The Boetcher Collection at the Colorado Historical Societv 
contains information about Boetcher's life after Leadxille. 

'' Colorado Post. February II, 1880. 

'" Colorado Post. March 6. 1 880. 

Axinals or Wyoming: Wyoming Histon' Journal 

managed the paper until Novembei, 1880, 
when he sold it to two local men, probably 
his employees.-" 

Ott's brief tenure seems surprising at first. 
The paper had good readership base that sup- 
ported a staff of six people. Ott had managed 
the paper through good times and weathered 
it out through bad times. Near the end of 1 880, 
Leadville was thriving, and emigrants were 
still flocking to the area. According to city 
directories, the Zeirimg continued to exist first 
as a new spaper then as a general printing busi- 
ness until 1882. In 1881, a promotional pub- 
lication, pretentiously titled History of the 
Arkansas Valley. Colorado, noted that the 
Zeititiig. like some other, short-lived news- 
papers, had ""successfully dropped out of 
sight.""-' The book was blunt in its assess- 
ment and failed to take into account the cul- 
tural significance of the Zeitung. 

The reason Ott sold his paper for was the 
one that had brought him to Leadville - greed. 
The siKer boom had brought prosperity to 
Colorado. Wealth was visible all around him, 
but more so in Denver, where real estate and 
business were skyrocketing. Here Ott moved 
his wife and newborn son, and for the next 
two years he was engaged in real estate. Denver of- 
fered attractive opportunity both socially and economi- 
cally. More importantly, Denver's German community 
was numerically larger and socially and politically more 
significant. Ott probably toyed with the prospect of 
getting his foot into the social scene here as he had 
done in Columbus and Leadville. If nothing else, Ott 
did establish business and social contacts that would 
last throughout the rest of his life. 

From 1 883 to 1 885, Ott"s movements are a mystery. 
E\ entually the family moved back to Columbus where 
Erdmuthe returned to the general store. Despite famil- 
iar surroundings and family support, times were hard, 
and the business barely managed to keep afloat. By the 
latter part of 1884, she was in financial trouble and 
was unable to satisfy claims of her creditors, then 
amounting to more than $2000. After three months of 
legal fighfing she was forced to sell out." 

Ott may have reluctantly returned to Columbus with 
his family. If so, he likely faced personal embarrass- 
ment for a far-off gamble. Although he had a good re- 
lationship with his well-to-do in-laws, he would have 
resumed living in their shadows and soon would have 
realized that his social and financial prospects in Co- 

Leadville, Colorado, c. 1880. 

Colorado Historical Society 

, Ott 

lumbus were limited. In late 1885 or early 11 
moved to Wyoming. 

Ott settled in Cheyenne where he taught foreign lan- 
guages in the public schools.-' Due to the paucity of 
records, it is not known how he sold himself to the 
school district, but apparently, as in Columbus, he did 
so very well. In addition, he quickly became acquainted 
with Cheyenne's Germans and became a familiar fix- 
ture at their social activities. He was a member of the 
Cheyenne Mannerchor and was probably an active 
member of the Tumverein. 

In February 1 886, Ott took fate into his own hands 
and organized a juvenile band. It quickly received rave 

" Leadville City Minutes, August 17, 1880, Vol. 2, 10. 

=» Bill of Sale, Lake County Transfer Record, Vol. 51, 448- 

-' History of the Arkansas Valley, 256. 

-- Platte County district court civil case file 929, C.S. Goodrich 
& Company vs. E.W. Ott; Platte County district court civil case 
file 945, E.W. On vs. Augustus Lockner, Assignee; Assignment, 
E.W. Ott to Daniel Kavanaugh, sheriff. Miscellaneous Record, 
BookC, 165-166. 

-^ Directory of Laramie and Albany Counties... (New York: 
U.S. Directory Publishing Company of California, ca. 1886), 96, 

Spring 2000 

reviews from the public and the press. Then a strange 

event occurred. Near the end of February, following a 
concert to raise money so that the band members could 
pay for their instruments, Ott gathered up some of the 
instruments and absconded with the concert proceeds. 
According to the Cheyenne Sun. the hero of the day 
was Stephen Bon. Jr., who spotted Ott at the depot and 
prevented him from boarding the Denver train. In its 
account, the Sun inferred that Ott had committed a 
crime, but Ott was ne\ er arrested. In truth, Bon mereh 
attached, in the legal sense, Ott's baggage, because Ott 
owed him money. Seeing that Ott was about to leave 
the territory, Bon had him detained and brought before 
the justice of the peace. .lustice was meted out swiftly 
in Bon's fa\ or. What then transpired is \ague. Accord- 
ing to the Sun. Ott, seeing his predicament, worked out 
some kind of deal and then departed from the city.-"" 

The matter of the band money, however, was never 
resolved. While Bon got what he wanted, the band did 
not retrieve its money or pledge list. Band members 


asked Ott to explain his actions and reveal how much 
money was taken at issue. He gave no explanations for 
his eccentric behavior. He confessed not to taking any 
money but to losing the pledge list from the concert. 
His reply brought little consolation to his accusers. 
There was onl\ one thing they could do. They tired 
him and named another musical instructor in his place.-' 
Thejuvenile band episode tarnished Ott's credibility 
in Cheyenne. The Sun called him a '"pseudo teacher of 
languages" and "check rustler" who had withheld 
money from band members and "left a number of un- 
settled accounts behind him."-" Equally critical, the 
De)voeriit Lender reported that with Ott's departure 
"some of our citizens mourn a few dollars worth."-' 

Not long after he left Cheyenne, Ott surfaced in 
Raw lins and later, Laramie, where he worked on plans 
for financing and publishing a Wyoming newspaper, 
Wyoming and Its Future. With some minor exceptions, 
he would make Laramie his home for the rest of his 
life and would set his sights on becoming a strong 
journalistic voice in the localit\ and 

In .lune 1886 the first issue of 
Wyoming and Its Future appeared. 
A four-paged paper published 
weekly, it promoted the commer- 
cial and natural resources of the ter- 
ritory and was intended to become 
the barometer of de\ elopment and 
progress. The articles were natu- 
rally optimistic in tone, infomiative, 
descriptive, well written, and some- 
times sensational. Ott hoped his pa- 
per w ould be w idely read and sup- 
ported. If it became successful, it 
might become the leading voice for 
promoting and marketing the terri- 
tory. If nothing else, it would catch 
the eyes of prominent government 
and businessmen who w ould guide 
him in other directions. 

-^ Cheyenne Daily Sun, February 1 1 , 
1886; February 20, 1886; February 26, 
1 886; March 4, 1 886. S. Bon v. Prof. F.W. 
Ott. civil case 208, Cheyenne Justice of 
the Peace ci\il docket. \. 2. 216, WSA; 
Democratic Leader, February 27. 1 886. 

-" Democratic Leader. February 26, 

-*• Clieyenne Daily Sun. March 4, 1 886. 

-' Democratic Leader, March 5, 1886. 

Annals oi Wyoming: Wyoming History Journal 

ognized Ott as an experienced journalist and saw an 
ambitious man bent on establishing a leading paper. 
Laramie's Daily Boomerang soon observed that Ott was 
"making a host of warm friends wherever he and his 
paper go."-** Not so impressed with the first issue was 
the Carbon Coiinn- Journal. It saw the new paper as 
"a rehash of Cheyenne's Tribune." In the JournaTs 
eyes, advertisers "would receive more on their invest- 
ment" with the Tribune than with Wyoming and Its 
Future.-'^ Many people thought otherwise. Eventually, 
the paper's circulation peaked at about 850 readers.'" 
Four months after the paper's debut, Ott's family left 
Columbus and moved to Laramie." 

Fortune soon proved fickle, and Ott faced a difficult 
time in selling Wyoming and Its Future. By October, 
the Boomerang viewed Ott's paper as "dead weight" 
and its irregular publication and dubious future were 
the consequences of Ott's temperamental character, 
which expressed itself in a combination of English and 
German. In line with journalistic standards of the time, 
the Boomerang had no qualms about poking fiin at Ott. 
It laughed at how Ott's ranting were "the instrument 
the professor uses in beating people and breaking up 
the English language" and how Ott's "mouth contains 
all of his brains." The Boomerang suggested instead of 
faulting Laramie for not supporting him that he ought 
to work on "the charitable subscription Professor Ott 
calls a paper."'- And that he did. By February 1887, 
Ott had his "second wind" and through the help of his 
friends, the paper was back "on a sound basis."- ' 

While trying to make himself well known across the 
territory, Ott sought to secure his situation in Laramie 
with the publication of a local newspaper, the Laramie 
Times, in 1 888. The weekly paper peaked with a read- 
ership of less than 1000 subscribers by 1898.'-* With 
the Times, Ott was now in direct competition with the 
Boomerang. From its standpoint, the Boomerang had 
little to fear. It knew how Ott operated and how to play 
him. Instead of seeing a formidable competitor, the 
Boomerang described the Times as merely "a patent 
inside half sheet. "^' 

Managing the Times proved difficult. Its circulation 
remained small, and its financial situation was periodi- 
cally unstable. In February 1 889, for example, Ott tem- 
porarily halted its publication because he did not have 
the money to operate it. To make matters worse, he 
was indebted to a man named John Quann, whom Ott 
had no intention of paying. Soon after Quann filed a 
lawsuit against Ott, two of Ott's employees, George 
Sheren and Ed Lacy, saw Ott packing hu equipment as 
if he was planning to leave the city. After he had loaded 
his goods, Ott told them that he was going to town to 

get their money, probably to pay their wages. He failed 
to return, and the two men believed that Ott had boarded 
a westbound train. Ed Kelly, a drayman, also testified 
that the business looked like it was closed. He knocked 
several times on the door until Martha, Ott's five-year- 
old daughter, answered. Though probably told before- 
hand not to give away her father's actions, she failed to 
exhibit the mature discretion required of the situadon. 
Instead, she reported that her father could not come to 
the door because he was sleeping. "Why is he sleep- 
ing?" Kelly asked. Martha replied fi-ankly, "Papa has 
been up all night packing boxes, for we are going away." 
Ott denied the allegations but failed to convince the 
court. Having discovered his ruse, the court attached 
his property for the benefit of Quann. ^'' The Times 
would surface again. 

At the same time Ott was publishing the Times, he 
tried to redeem himself in Cheyenne for his juvenile 
band debacle. He traveled frequently to Cheyenne to 
participate in various activities, reunite with old ac- 
quaintances, and cement new contacts. Miffed, the 
Boomerang believed that Ott's civic loyalty leaned in 
favor of Cheyenne. It caustically concluded that Ott 
was "evidently willing to do all he can for Cheyenne 
except move his paper there, and it is a pity he wont 
[sic] do that."" 

Not surprisingly, Ott quickly found solace among 
Laramie's Germans. The Daily Boomerang described 
them as industrious working class sort of men, "men 
of little means, yet they form a strong and beautiful 
element in our population."" Ott did not share such a 
humble stance. To him, German industry and work ethic 
were integral part of his heritage. Speaking in 1907 at 
the 25th anniversary of the Laramie Mannerchor. Ott 
said that Gennans were not merely hard working but 
progressive-minded.''* In reality, in Laramie represented 

-" Carbon County Journal. May 1, 1886. 

'" American Newspaper Directory . . . Twentieth Year (New 
York: George P. Rowell & Company, 1888), 761; N.W. Avers 
and Sons American Newspaper Annual {Ph\\ade\ph'm: N.W. Ayers 
& Sons, 1888), 909. 

■" Daily Boomerang, October 14, 1886. 
'■ Daily Boomerang, November 26, 1886; January 27, 1887; 
February 10, 1887. 

" Laramie Weekly Sentinel, February 12. 1887. 

'"" .American Newspaper Directoiy . . . Thirtieth Year (New 
York: George P. Rowell & Company, 1898). 1019. 

'" Daily Boomerang, Vehxuavy 1\, 1889. 

'" John Quann V. F.W. Ott, Laramie Justice of the Peace civil 
docket, V. 7, 55 and case file. WSA. 

" Daily Boomerang, January 17, 1889. 

"* Daily Boomerang, December 8, 1887. 

rinc; 2000 


Laramie Mannerchur 

AiiicriL'an Hcrilatie Center, UniversitN of W\omintt 

the span of economic classes as they did in Leadville 
and Columbus. A German Lutheran church and a 
Mcuinerchor hall, both of which Ott was an active mem- 
ber, were visible signs of Gemian culture in the city. 
The German populace was also active in political 
circles. In 1 906, Ott ran for Laramie justice of the peace 
for the Socialist Party, a party dominated in Albany 
Count} b> Germans. 

As he had done elsewhere, Ott eventually turned his 
publishing eyes to Laramie's German community. Here 
was a special social market, and like Columbus and 
Leadville, Ott no doubt believed that with him as pub- 
lisher, the newspaper would become a standard for 
perpetuating German culture and molding opinion in 
Laramie and possibly Wyoming. After acquiring a 
Gemian press in Denver, he issued a new newspaper, 
the Wyoming Staats Zeitung ( Wyoming State Newspa- 
per) in October 1890. The Laramie Weekly Sentinel 
claimed that it was "tN pographically one of the cleanest 
and neatest gotten up papers in the state. "^" A comple- 
mentary copy was probably sent to Denver's German 
press as well. 

The Zeitung 's did not sunive beyond the first issue. 
Maybe Ott had overestimated the market to sustain his 
enterprise. German cultural life in Wyoming for the 

most part was confined to private and religious circles. 
Also, Gemian immigration to Wyoming had slowed 
greatly, and most Germans had been acculturated to 
American society. Economics may also have been a 
factor. Ott"s endeavors were not always established on 
strong economic foundations, and in this case, he may 
have stretched his sources thin. In December 1 890, Ott 
once again found himself before the justice court for 
having an outstanding debt for paper and supplies. The 
court's decision against Ott resulted in the loss of his 
property.^' This incident was but one of many factors 
that contributed to the Zeifiing's abrupt end. 

By 1891, Ott cast his eyes about for new opportuni- 
ties elsewhere. Earlier in .iul\ 1 890, before the Zeitung. 
he intended to start a newspaper in coal mining town 
of Carbon."*' After the Zeitung failed to meet its ex- 
pectations, Ott moved to Carbon and published its first 
newspaper, the Carbon Blaek DiamonJ. Here he was 
unchallenged and had a market all to his own. For the 

'" Laramie Boomerang. January 7. 1907. 
■"' Laramie li'ecl<ly Sentinel. Januan 10, 1891. 
■" Carpenter Paper Company vs. F.W. Ott, Laramie Justice of 
the Peace civil and criminal docket, Vol. 14, 159, WSA. 
■■- Daily Boomeram;. iu\\ }\. 1890. 
^' Ibid . Februar\ lb. 1892. 


Aiinals oi Wyoming: Wyoming History Journal 

next vear, his paper was very successful. The Black 
Diamond reported fully about the community's social, 
civic, economic, and political events. Because Ott was 
no longer a competitor, the Boomerang, now saw him 
in a new light and gave him glowing praises for his 
entrepreneurial and journalistic skills and for his ser- 
vice to the community. "No one can take hold of such 
things and make a success of them better than Mr. Ott," 
applauded the Boomerang.'^' 

One of Ott's promotional efforts was to have a U. S. 
commissioner for Carbon who would assist the U. S. 
Attorney in Cheyenne in adjudicating civil disputes, 
land claims and criminal actions. Ott not only asked 
Senator Francis E. Warren for such a person but sought 
the appointment himself Warren, E. A. Slack and other 
Republican men were well aware of Ott's political loy- 
alties and concluded that he was the man for the job. 
However, for reasons known only to himself, B.F. 
Fowler, U. S. Attorney for Wyoming, thought differ- 
ently and denied Ott's appointment.^'' 

While Carbon was good to Ott, Laramie continued 
to exert a special attraction on him. His family remained 
in Laramie, and Ott frequently traveled from Carbon 
to Laramie and back. No matter how good the oppor- 

tunities presented themselves in Carbon, Ott saw 
Laramie as the place where he wanted to make his name. 
In November 1891, just as the Black Diamond was 
getting settled in, Ott resurrected the Laramie Times. 
Surprisingly, the Boomerang welcomed Ott back into 
the field. Whereas it had been very critical of Ott's 
character, the Boomerang now pictured him in a posi- 
tive light and saw his newspaper as symbolizing integ- 
rity in journalism.'*'' 

In 1 893, Ott left Carbon and the Black Diamond and 
returned to Laramie to work on the Times. In March 
1 895, he found himself again in court for failing to pay 
a balance of $43.66 on his equipment and other goods 
he had received as early as 1891. Ott contended that 
he had paid part of the charges, had not received some 
of the property in question, and denied responsibility 
for the other property. In the end, Ott's credibility was 
found fallible, and judgment was found against him. 

" Letter, F.W. Ott to Louis Kirk. IMarch 24. 1891; letter. F.W. 
Ott to F.E. Warren. March 31, 1891; letter. F.E. Warren to B.F. 
Fowler. April 3. 1891. all in US Attorney for Wyoming Records, 

■" Daily Boomerang, f<io\ember2S, 1891; December 1 1. 1891; 
January 27. 1892. 





Carbon Fire Department, 1890. 

Spring 2000 

The result was the loss of his stock and trade.^* 

Being in debt and going to court because of his debts 
were nothing new to Ott. Financial difficulties con- 
stantly dogged him, but they were ail the result of the 
business in which he was engaged and how he man- 
aged his affairs. Between 1886 and 1906, Ott often 
mortgaged his property in order to finance his busi- 
ness. In many cases, he met his obligations, but some- 
times he let payments slide. When the latter happened, 
Ott found himself before the justice of the peace. Con- 
fidently challenging the claims brought against him, 
he often acted carelessly at his expense. 

If economics did not get him in trouble, his temper 
did, as the Boomerang had noted. Easily riled, he oc- 
casionally let his passions speak for him. For example, 
an argument between Ott's son and the son of Thomas 
Gray soon involved both fathers. Before long, tempers 
gave way to fists. What began as a petty dispute be- 
tween two boys ended up as a criminal charge against 
Ott for assault and battery. In the end the case was 
dismissed.""^ In 1895. a fire occurred at the home of 
John Glover, Ott's neighbor. Glover claimed that Ott 
had dumped ashes against his house, and the evidence 
verified this. Yet, the amount of damage was less than 
$50 on the structure, but S500 to the furniture. Strange, 
the Boomerang noted, that the building was not insured. 
Ott suffered no personal or financial repercussions. ^'^ 

Even family members could experience his tempera- 
mental side. In 1903, Ott sued his brother-in-law, Walter 
Schroeder, for failing to pay room and board as previ- 
ously agreed upon. It was one of the few civil cases he 

Throughout most of his time in Laramie, Ott tried to 
augment his publishing income by working at a vari- 
ety of other jobs. As Times editor, he served notice that 
he was a notary public who would make documents 
and examine real estate titles. He was employed in the 
signal corps in 1 888 and as a census taker in 1 900. Ott 
frequently contacted Senator Francis E. Warren for any 
political job. Ott's requests were not those of a syco- 
phant but of a loyal supporter of Warren and the Re- 
publican Party. Warren knew this and was genuinely 
appreciative. Warren described him as "a pretty sturdy 
old fellow" who deserved a reward for his loyalty.'" 
For his part, Warren recommended Ott for several fed- 
eral positions but succeeded in getting him only a few 
temporary appointments. 

Ott briefly sought assistance from Governor Will- 
iam A. Richards and Superintendent of Schools Estelle 
Reel. Richards did not respond to Ott's appeal, but Reel 
tried to bolster Ott's future. Unable to give him an un- 
specified appointment, Reel did acknowledge his con- 


tributions "in advertising and building up the state." 
Sadly, she remarked, she had promised the position to 
someone else, but she would keep him in mind for the 
future."' As it was, Ott found he had to make his own 

Ott's personal tribulations were also political in na- 
ture. A staunch Republican, Ott used the Times to pro- 
mote the partv and its candidates. In return, Ott hoped 
that Laramie party leaders would reward him with pub- 
lic printing jobs or possibly a political job. Such was 
not to be. In 1 888, in order to bolster his standing within 
the party, Ott attempted to blackmail of C.P. Organ, a 
congressional candidate. The details are unknown, but 
it did not work. As a result, no political candidate of 
either party wanted Ott's endorsement. Seeing through 
Ott's ruse, the Boomerang slandered Ott's paper as 
being "without any standing whatever" and libeled Ott 
as a "proprietor of patent bowels."'- Despite his po- 
litical bumbling. Ott remained loyal to the Republican 
Party, but his faith was beginning to wane. 

Eight years later, in January 1896, he severed his 
political allegiance altogether. Frustrated with the city 
fathers for not patronizing him with any print jobs, Ott 
went out on a ledge by preparing a statement on the 
city's finances and then asking for payment for his ser- 
vice. Somewhat svmpathetic, the Boomerang portrayed 
Ott as "a diligent if not a consistent worker in the re- 
publican political organization" who had "hundreds of 
times submitted passively to political indignities and 
lack of reward."^' But this time he had submitted an 
unauthorized report. Once again, his efforts to force 
political events in his favor failed, and he was made a 
laughing stock instead of being taken as a serious, as- 
tute political supporter. The council was right in deny- 
ing payment for a report it had not authorized. That 
should have been the end of the matter. Surprisingly, 
the Boomerang took Ott's side and called into ques- 

^'' The Western Newspaper Union \. F.W. Ott, Laramie Jus- 
tice of the Peace civil and criminal docket. Vol. 13. 23. WS.A. 

^' State of Wyoming v. F.W. Ott, Laramie .lustice of the Peace 
criminal docket. Vol. 4. 15 and case file, WSA; Da:ly Boomer- 
ang. November 4, 1893; November 10. 1893. 

■"* Daily Boomerang. Dicemher ^. 1895. 

''" Frederick W. Ott vs. Walter H. Schroeder. Laramie Justice 
of the Peace civil docket. Vol. 7, 55, WSA. 

'•' Letter. F.E. Warren to F.W. Mondell. March 20, 1899. let- 
terpress vol. 22. 698. Collection 13. Francis E. Warren Papers. 
American Heritage Center. 

" Letter. F.W. Ott to Governor William A. Richards; Letter. 
Estelle Reel to F.W. Ott. .^pril 1 1, 1895, letterpress book. vol. 1. 
366, Education Department Records. WSA. 

'- Daily Boomerang. October 20, 1888. 

'■' Daily Boomerang. ianuaT\ ^. 1896. 


Annals oi Wyoming: Wyoming History Journal 

THE WlilNi; liUSTmiL MIL 


Oives a monthly account of industrial conditions in the 
state with frequent illustrations and a general write up of a 
certain section of the state, gradually introducing the reader 
to every part of this growing commonwealth. 


We solicit the subscription of persons interested in the up 
building of the state and request communications from all 
who desire to give suggestions for the advancement of same. 
If you have an improvement to offer or know of resources 
awaiting development let us hear from you. Address all 
communication to 

F. W. OTT, 

Laramie, Wyoming 

"House ad" from the 
Wyoming Industrial 
Journal when Ott 
was owner and edi- 
tor, June, 1907. 

tion the mismanagement of public flinds. Council mem- 
bers became further enraged by the Boomerang' i in- 
sinuation of impropriety. They singled out Ott for their 
woes and made him persona non grata. 

In March. Ott attempted one more time to get paid. 
Although he knew his efforts would be for naught, he 
calmly and in a dignified manner appealed his cause, 
failed to sway the council, and then left the building.-"* 
With that act, he turned his back on the Republican 
Party and took up the banner of the Populist Party. By 
the turn of the century, Ott was actively involved with 
a labor union and with the Socialist party in Laramie. 
Not surprisingly, the Boomerang characterized the 
Times as a socialist weekly.'"^ 

With Laramie now politically alienated, Ott began 
to look elsewhere for his future and found it southwest 
of Laramie in Walden Colorado. Located then at the 
western part of Larimer County, Walden sat in the 
middle of rich ranching and forest country. Tentative 
mining ventures in the area in its early years coupled 
with ongoing mining developments in southern part of 
Albany County hinted at a promising future. With that 
knowledge, Ott headed south, and on July 31,1 896, he 
issued the first edition of the North Park Union, 
Walden's first paper. The Union became a booster for 
the North Park area, and the heart of North Park was 

readily entirely available for Ott. He became the voice 
of the community and took an active hand in civic and 
political endeavors. ^^ 

As publisher of the town's only newspaper, he kept 
a close watch on city government and local events. His 
son, Waldemar occasionally assisted his father as a re- 
porter. Dispirited over his past bad experiences with 
the Republican Party, Ott took up the banner of popu- 
lism and supported William Jennings Bryan. 

Walden would not hold Ott's attention for very long 
because the economic center of North Park was 
Laramie. The major road to Walden went north to 
Laramie, and Laramie was the major shipping and dis- 
tribution point for freight and goods to and from North 
Park. Walden was also politically isolated. The county 
seat of Larimer County was in Fort Collins, nearly 80 
miles east and over the mountains. Not until 1 909 would 
Walden come into its own with the formation of Jack- 
son County. Lastly, Ott still longed to be a strong voice 
in Laramie, where he still published the Times. His 

" Daily Boomerang. January 8, 1896; January 13, 1896; Janu- 
ary 22, 1896; February 5, 1896; March 5, 1896. 

"'' Laramie Boomerang, January 1, 1902; July 4, 1902; Sep- 
tember 11, 1904. 

*" Walden City Minutes, May 7, 1897, vol. 1,114; March 23, 
1898, vol. 1, 120; March 21, 1905, vol. 1, 341. 

Spring 200(1 

family lived there, and he traveled frequently between 
Laramie and Walden. On January 27, 1 899, he sold the 
Union to J.O. Mosman and Sons, a prominent family, 
but he did not forget Walden entirely. For several years 
thereafter he would travel to Walden to participate in 
or observe civic affairs. 

In December 1904. Ott purchased the Wyoming In- 
dustrial Journal. Established in 1899, X\\'i Journal was 
a booster publication similar to Wyoming and Its Fu- 
ture. Because of its format, i\\Q Journal was not in com- 
petition with the Boomerang. Subsequently, the Boo- 
merang found something praiseworthy to say, claim- 
ing the Journal was "well up to the standard set by 
Editor Ott."'' Like Wyoming and Its Future, Ott in- 
tended that the Journal advertise "to the world the re- 
sources of the commonwealth" and "to be informative 
and reliable." He claimed to have 2,000 subscribers.'* 

As in other endeavors, Ott seemed to fmd his jour- 
nalistic niche. The Journal was more like a magazine 
with mixture of long and short articles about Wyoming 
cities, counties, people, and natural, agricultural, and 
industrial resources. The writing was descriptive and 
expressive, and the pages were well illustrated. Some- 
times state and local personalities authored main ar- 

For his part, Ott tried to cater to a wide range of in- 
terests, and occasionally traveled across the state to ob- 
tain information about existing and new developments. 
Many editors applauded his new publication, and his 
promotional efforts were well in line with those advo- 
cated by state otTicials and agencies desirous of attract- 
ing industry and emigrants to the state. For the next 
four years, Ott's future seemed promising. With the 
success of the Journal. Ott became less of a mockery 
and emerged once more as a respectable publisher. 
Among Wyoming editors and publishers, "Professor 
Ott" now gave way to "Editor Ott" In 1 908, he moved 
the job plant to Cheyenne, because he could not fmd 
suitable quarters in Laramie, and because he felt that 
being in Cheyenne would be better for business."'^ 

Ott's future with the Journal was to be all too brief 
and less than hoped for. In 1908, a hernia operation 
and other unspecified ailments left him in constant pain 
and ill. He traveled to Denver for medical help and to 
Columbus for rest and relaxation. In 1909, he was di- 
agnosed with Bright's disease, an infection of the liver. 
Unable to work effectively, he was forced to sell the 
Journal in June 1909. His health quickly deteriorated, 
and he died at Den\ er's St. Joseph Hospital on July 4, 

With his death. Ott attained a new height of notabil- 


ity and respect. As is characteristic of eulogies, Ott's 
past improprieties \\ ere forgiven or overlooked for what 
was perceived to be his ov erall character. In most news- 
papers, he was remembered as a model citizen. The 
Boomerang, Ott's friend and foe, hailed him as "a lead- 
ing and respected citizen since 1885.""" Less sensa- 
tional, the Laramie Republican called him an optimist. 
His management of the Journal, "was more suited to 
his liking and ability than the running of a local news- 
paper" and that Ott "did his part toward the upbuilding 
of the commonwealth.""' His own paper applauded 
him as patriotic and enthusiastic citizen. Denver's 
Colorado Herald, a German weekK . gave him a spe- 
cial tribute: "Mr. Ott was a man of much energy and 
enterprise and he had contributed much to the flower- 
ing of Wyoming.""- 

All of these compliments captured the quintessential 
man. Although inherently sentimental, they reflected 
Ott's primary aspiration when he was alive, whatever 
he tried, wherever he li\ed. In truth, his actions did 
not always mirror ihose befitting a successful man, his 
time in the limelight in any one community was com- 
paratively brief, and his enduring contributions were 
not always quantifiable. But Ott lived for the moment 
and was tenacious in finding his place in society. Con- 
fident in his own abilities, he was constantly on the 
lookout for new opportunities, particularh where he 
could make his mark in societv. whether it was pro- 
moting German culture, civic life or the resources of 
an entire state. Overall, the life of Frederick Wilhelm 
Ott was a remarkable one, revealing the perseverance 
of Gennan culture and the creativity and industry of a 
Gennan publisher in the American West. 

Laramie Boomerang. January 29. 1905. 
IVvomiiif; Industrial Journal [December 1904), 1. 
Laramie Boomerang, .lune 15. 1908. 
Laramie Boomerang. July 7, 1909. 
Laramie RepiihLcan. July 6, 1909. 
Colorado Herald. }u\\ 6. 1909. 

The author holds the B. A. in history from 
Angus tana College. Illinois, and the M A. in 
History and Archival Management from Colo- 
rado State University. Formerly Wyoming State 
Archives historian in the State Department of 
Parks and Cultural Resources, he recently 
joined the staff at the .Atnerican Heritage Cen- 
ter. Universiti' ofWvoniing. He also serves as 
book review editor for Annals. 




PARK, 1 91 9-1 935 

By Hugh T Lovin 

From the Boston Telegraph Transcript, ApriT 17, 1920. Clipping from scrapbook. -Irrigation and Dam 
Problems. 1920-21." Yellowstone National Park Research Library, YNP. Wyoming 

orin^ 2000 


Among the grandest initiatives that were proposed 
for hastening human usage of the nation's west- 
em reaches early in the twentieth century, one proposal 
called for reclamation of the West's arid land. Sup- 
porters of this program included government planners, 
developers, farmers, U.S. President Theodore Roosevelt 
and his disciples, and certain other activists in the 
country's new conservation movement. They promised 
to make western deserts "bloom" by means of irriga- 
tion. Consequently, few sources of western water es- 
caped the notice of these reclamationists because the 
least sanguine of them recognized that west of the hun- 
dredth meridian, potentially irrigable land was plenti- 
ful but water resources were significantly more finite. 

This quest for water placed reclamationists at odds 
with a band of conservationists who wanted to shape 
the West's destiny in different ways; in this camp, the 
most forceful people were idealists, among them natu- 
ralist John Muir's followers, whom scholars today 
sometimes differentiate as preservationists. Unlike the 
economic-oriented reclamationists, such elements fo- 
cused on saving the West's superlative scenery, natu- 
ral wonders, and resources such as wilderness and wild- 
life from ruination at human hands. Moreover, clash- 
ing between the sides intensified when reclamationists 
eyed water and darn sites within the national park sys- 

The National Park Service and supportive lobbies of 
conservationists added new fur\ to the fray. For in- 
stance, the sides fought many battles in the 1920's and 
1930's because Montana and Idaho fanners coveted 
Yellowstone National Park's lakes and streams for ir- 
rigation purposes. Characterizing these irrigationists as 
"looters," critics even alleged that the irrigationists cared 
not if they "decimate[d]" the nation's natural treasures 
and would "pawn" the country's finest "heirlooms."' 

Eventually, this struggle over Yellowstone water and 
dam sites embroiled so many forces that it fitted his- 
torically into the mold of intrastate, interstate, and state- 
federal clashing that so often pervaded water conflicts 
in the West. An important facet of this conflict revolved 
around the ambitions of a single group of Idahoans re- 
siding in Fremont and Madison counties. Occupying 
heartland in the state's Upper Snake River Valley, the 
Fremont-Madison group sought access to Cascade 
Comer, a mountainous and little known sector in the 
southwest extremity of Yellowstone National Park. 
There the group hoped to impound enough water at 
two reservoirs to meet their needs and later to expand 
wet farming beyond the two counties. The fight over 
Cascade Comer raged from 1919 to 1935. 

A farmer-owned institution, the Fremont-Madison 
Reservoir Company un\eiled its first blueprints for ir- 
rigation works at Cascade Comer in 1919. The com- 
pany expected to utilize the Fall River so that its wa- 
ters saved thousands of acres of potato and sugar beet 
crops that required late-summer watering fi>r matura- 
tion. Tributaries of this stream rose deep within Cas- 
cade Comer, gathered there into a river before empty- 
ing beyond the boundaries of Yellowstone National 
Park into the Snake River Valley and finally flowing 
into the Snake River. To save the river's spring runoff 
of water for summertime irrigation, the company in- 
tended that its main reservoir submerge the Belcher 
Meadoj\s section of the Comer; also by its plans, a 
smaller catchment for water would be constructed by 
damming the mouth of Mountain Ash Creek, a Fall 
River tributary also situated within Cascade Corner.- 
Claiming to have 51.000,000 in their coffers and the 
capability of raising more tunds. Fremont-Madison 
Company otTicials promised to build this reservoir sys- 
tem on federal terrain at no cost to the government.' 

Fremont-Madison Company officers extolled their 
plan on several grounds. First, they claimed, the 
company's scheme ser\ ed the public's \ ested interests 
in bettering wet farming. Water delivered to farmers 
from the Belcher and Mountain .^sh reser\oirs would 
ensure that their crops matured and provide them w ith 
new insurance against droughts. Drought had happened 
again to these tanners in 191*^); reportedl_\. it caused 
$10,000,000 in losses within the Upper Snake Ri\er 

' John Ise. Our National Park Policy: A Critical Hisiorv (Bal- 
timore: Resources for the Future, hic.. by the Johns Hopkins Uni- 
versity Press. 1961 ). 3 12; Donald C. Swain. Wilderness Defender 
Horace M Albright and Conscrvanon (Chicago: L'nisersity of 
Chicago Press. 1970), 122; Fimerson Rough. "Pawning the Heir- 
looms," Saturday Evening Post 193 (September 25. 1920), 12. 
13. See also, Merrill D. Beal. The Star)- of Man in Yellowstone 
(Caldwell. Idaho: Caxton Printers. 1949). 259; Aubrey L. Haines. 
The Yellowstone Stoiy: A History of Our First National Park (2 
vols.; Yellowstone Park. Wyoming: Yellowstone Library and 
Museum Association/Colorado Associated Universit\ Press. 
1977). V. 2. 331. 

- Ise. Park Police: 308; John J. Cameron. "Proposed Irrigation 
Projects within Yellowstone National Park." typescript. (U.S. De- 
partment of the Interior, National Park Service. 1937). 15. 
Yellowstone National Park Research t.ibrary, 'Velloustone Na- 
tional Park. Wyoming. 

' Hearing before the Committee on Public Lands House of 
Representatives, on H R 12466. .4 Bill Authorizing the Granting 
of Certain Irrigation Easements in the )'eUowstone National Park. 
March 20. 23. 1920. 66 Cong. 2 Sess. (Washington; Government 
Printing Office, 1920). 6; R. M. McCracken to Em G. Kagleson. 
July 22. 1919, Ernest O. Eagleson Papers. Idaho State Historical 
Society. Boise. 


Annals ot Wyoming: Wyoming History journal 

Valley in this year."' Second, the Fremont-Madison 
group argued, federal authorities had already validated 
their irrigation scheme on technological and economic 
grounds. John Wesley Powell, head of the U.S. Geo- 
logical Survey endorsed damming the Fall River within 
Cascade Comer late in the 19th century. He estimated 
that by placing catchments here, irrigationists could 
procure water at less than twenty cents per acre-foot.- 

Subsequently, the U.S. Reclamation Service bettered 
the case for irrigationists patting their waterworks at 
Cascade Comer. Created in 1902, its mission to hasten 
the reclamation of arid land, the agency judged the 
Comer capable of yielding at least 350,000 acre-feet 
of water yearly for irrigation purposes. Alone, by the 
same reckoning, the Belcher Meadows site would pro- 
vide reservoir space for 256,000 acre-feet of water in 
most seasons. Civil engineers in private practice con- 
firmed the assessment, one group of them calculating 
the Belcher site's capacity for water storage at 263,000 
acre-feet annually. Reclamation Service director Arthur 
Davis relied on such findings to predict "future devel- 
opment of irrigation works at Cascade Comer.* 

Fremont-Madison forces wondered at first whether 
interstate complications would bedevil the transfer of 
Cascade Comer's water out of Wyoming into Idaho. 
Historical events caused such concerns. In the past, 
Wyoming state authorities and Jackson Hole residents 
had always scowled when water was emptied from 
Wyoming's biggest lake in Jackson Hole, Jackson Lake, 
and used downstream for irrigation of Idaho land; such 
storage of water at Jackson Hole resulted in environ- 
mental damages to the lake and its environs.' How- 
ever, Wyoming Govemor Robert Carey reassured the 
irrigationists in 1919. Carey indicated that although he 
intended to "scrutinize" schemes like that of the Fre- 
mont-Madison Company, he would allow groups out- 
side his state to utilize any water that "cannot be ap- 
plied to irrigation in Wyoming." None of Cascade 
Comer's water appeared to be of use on Wyoming's 
land. Hence, as did many observers, Fremont-Madi- 
son irrigationists concluded that Cascade Comer water 
was theirs to exploit short of Carey somehow devising 
ways of tunneling through the Continental Divide and 
transferring the Corner's water to places like 
Wyoming's Green River Basin. ** 

At the same time, the Fremont-Madison Company 
attempted to leverage its plan at the expense of its op- 
ponents at the National Park Service. An agency within 
the Department of the Interior to which Congress as- 
signed the job of managing the national park system 
beginning in 1916, the Park Service deplored the Fre- 
mont-Madison plan from the outset. According to 

Stephen Mather, director of the Park Service, irriga- 
tion works at Cascade Comer would be "absolutely 
contrary" to national park purposes. He told a supporter 
of the Fremont-Madison plan that he would not "stand 
for anything which attempted to, in any way, commer- 
cialize any part of the [Yellowstone] park.'"* 

Countering Mather, the Fremont-Madison Company 
and its supporters argued that Cascade Comer was re- 
mote geographically, and because it was difficult for 
humans to penetrate the Comer's mountainous terrain, 
dense forests, and many swamps and bogs, the area 
could never sustain national park activities like enter- 
taining tourists and providing outdoors recreational ex- 
periences for the park's typical visitors. A Reclama- 
tion Service official pointed out that Cascade Corner 
was "roadless" save a "wagon trail" that permitted hu- 
man access only by horseback. Findings of experts like 
engineer F. T. Crowe confinned many of these charac- 

Bad-mouthing Cascade Comer for its non-park quali- 

■* Horace M. Albright (as told to Robert Cahn), The Birtli of the 
National Park Service: The Founding Years. 191i-Si (Salt Lake 
City: Howe Brothers,' 1985), 100. 

'J. W. Powell, Eleventh Annual Report of the United States 
Geological Survey to the Secretary of the Interior. 1H89-90. Part 
11-lrrigation (Washington: Government Printing Office. IS'Jl). 

" Second Annual Report of the Reclamation Sen-ice. 19112-03. 
Department of the Interior, United States Geological Survey, 
House Document 44, 58 Cong. 2 Sess. (Washington: Government 
Printing Office, 1905), Plate 34 between pp. 264-265, pp. 285- 
286; J. G. Camp, "Parks — and Homes in [the] Snake River Val- 
ley," New West Magazine. 11 (December 1920), 43; H. V. 
Carleton, "The Great Dubois Project in Idaho," New M'est Maga- 
zine. 10 (June-July 1919), 8-9; Hearing. Irrigation Easements. 
5-6 (qtn.). 

' T. A. Larson, History of Hyoming (Lincoln: Lini\ersit\ of 
Nebraska Press, 1965), 35S, 420; David J. Savior, Jackson Hole. 
Wyoming: In the Shadow of the Tetons (Norman: L'niversit_\ of 
Oklahoma Press, 1970). 155-156. 

'■Cheyenne (Wyoming) State Leader. September 28, 1919, 1 
(qtns.); Seattle (Washington) Times. October 1, 1919. clipping in 
"Irrigation and Dam Problems. 1920-1921" Scrapbook, 
Yellowstone National Park Research Library. 

" Report of the Director of the National Park Service to the 
Secretary of the Interior for the Fiscal Year Ended June 30. 1920 
and the Travel Season 1920 (Washington: Government Printing 
Office, 1920), 28; Idaho Commissioner of Reclamation [Warren 
Swendsen] to John Pincock, December 26, 1919. David W. Davis 
Papers, Idaho State Archives, Boise. 

'"' Hearing... Irrigation Easements. 6-7 (qtns.), 9; Richard A. 
Bartlett, Yellowstone: A Wilderness Besieged (Tucson: Univer- 
sity of Arizona Press, 1985), 351. By one account, the Fremont- 
Madison Company intended to submerge 8000 acres oF "swamp 
land, which is remote from travel and never visited or seen by the 
tourist, but only by a few trappers and fishermen." P. S. A. Bickel, 
"What the Fall River Bill Means," New West Magazine. 1 1 (No- 
vember 1920, 8. 

Spring 2000 

ties paid dividends for the Fremont-Madison Company. 
Idaho state government officials endorsed the 
corporation's judgments about the Comer." Arthur 
Davis, director of U.S. Reclamation Service, used the 
same opinions about Cascade Comer to convince Sec- 
retary of the Interior Franklin Lane that irrigation works 
could fit suitably into the Comer's environment. Be- 
yond accepting this premise. Lane even ordered his sub- 
ordinates at the National Park Service to be supportive 
of the Fremont-Madison plan. 

The Park Service leaders rebelled, dallying with 
Lane's commands to the point of insubordination until 
Lane finally left the government for other reasons in 
1920. Meanwhile, Lane helped to ensure that Congress 
responded favorabK' to the Fremont-Madison plan. Leg- 
islation authorizing irrigation reservoirs at Cascade 
Comer w orked its way through congressional hearings 
and past several other hurdles. On April 6, 1920, the 
Senate passed such a bill with few expressions of op- 
position to it.'- 

Different evidence suggested that the Fremont-Madi- 
son Company and its allies pictured Cascade Comer 
erroneously in order to better the case for situating res- 
ervoirs at Belcher Meadows and Mountain Ash Creek. 
In 1878, surveyor Edward Hayden described many of 
the scenic waterfalls that were scattered along the Fall 
River and its tributaries, noted the diversity of wildlife 
habitats at the Comer, and discussed other natural fea- 
tures that also fitted the Comer into the national park 
system. Crowe alluded, in 1909, to the Comer's "beauty 
spots" that made it especially appealing to "nature 

Nonetheless, Mather and his subordinates were un- 
prepared to defend Cascade Comer from the Fremont- 
Madison forces' depiction of it. By their own admis- 
sion, Mather and his superintendent of Yellowstone 
National Park, Horace Albright, knew little about the 
Comer's geographical features and natural environment. 
Furthermore, the latest mapping of the area, completed 
in 1883-1885, seemed unreliable to park authorities, 
especially because it labeled Belcher Meadows a 
swamp; according to C. H. Birdseye, an U.S. Geologi- 
cal Survey engineer, the mapping was so faulty that 
Cascade Comer should be "completely resurveyed." 
Nearly a year elapsed before Albright finally traveled 
by horseback into the region to ascertain for himself 
the tmth about Cascade Comer's physical geography.'^ 

Despite knowing so little about Cascade Corner, 
Mather attempted to block the Fremont-Madison Com- 
pany. First, he demanded that neither Lane nor Con- 
gress decide the fate of the Comer until its scenic vir- 
tues, wildlife resources, and unique features like Col- 


onnade Falls were assessed. Moreover, Mather charged 
that in any event, irrigationists deserved no place at the 
Comer lest their presence at this spot create dangerous 
precedents; in his words, concessions to commercial- 
ism at the Comer would become a "camel's head" in 
"the tent" by which others could justify their demands 
to exploit different parts of Yellowstone National 

Mather argued his case credibly. At this time. Mon- 
tanans and different Idahoans hoped to erect their own 
waterworks at Yellowstone Lake and nearbx at two 
smaller bodies of water. ChcNenne-based ci\il engi- 
neer Charles Carlisle would accommodate them. By 
Carlisle's offer, he would dam the outlet of Yellowstone 
Lake to hold water in reserve for Montanans. drive a 
tunnel through the Continental Di\ ide, and deli\ er water 
from Yellowstone Lake to Idaho. Carlisle projected that 
he would lower the level of Yellowstone Lake by 29 
feet in each year.'" An Idaho congressman dismissed 
Carlisle's plan as tar-felched; thereupon he accused 
Mather of seizing on Carlisle's proposal to create a 
"scarecrow" against the Fremont-Madison Company." 
But by reiterating his contentions about keeping the 
camel's head from the tent, Mather prodded more con- 
servationists outside the government to action on his 

Discussing Mather's allies, the Fremont-Madison 
Company's supporters classed them as principally 
"highbrows," idealistic college professors, and some- 
times wealthy easterners whose private agendas in- 
cluded seizing westem water for their own "summer 

" Minutes of Governor's "Cabinet, '" Augusl .^. I9|0. Davis 

'■ Swain, Defcnhv: 121-122; Bartlett, Yellowstone. .v^2; Rob- 
ert Shankiand. Steve Mather of the Motional Park Serviee (2nd 
ed.; New York: .Alfred .\. Knopf, l'J_^4). 213-214. Cameron. -Ir- 
rigation,"' 16--34. 

" Report ofthe Director. I'ark Seniee i]<^2()). 24-2. '^. Bartlett. 
Yellowstone. -i5 1 . 

'^ Hearing Irniiatioii Easenienl.':. 1'*; C, tl. Birdsese to 
Stephen Mather, September 13, 1921, cited in Cameron. •'Irriga- 
tion," 29; Swain. DefenJer. 128-129; for assorted letters and re- 
ports by Albright about his trip to Cascade Corner, see Horace 
Albright Papers. Yellowstone National Park Research I ibrary. 

" Report of the Direelor Park Sen-iee (1920). 34. 

'" "Franklin K. Lane I'roject |ot] One Million Acres in South- 
em Idaho...," n.d. (typescript), William E. Borah Papers. I. ibrary 
of Congress, Washington, D.C.; M. M. Galbraith and others. i'?t'- 
port on [the] Proposed Project for Flood Control and Irrigation 
in the Yellowstone River Valley... (Livingston: Yellowstone Irri- 
gation Association, 1921). copy at Montana Historical Society, 
Helena; Cameron, "Irrigation," 16. 

■' Addison T. Sm;th to D. W. Davis. May 11. 1920. Da\is Pa- 


Annals oi Wyoming: Wyoming History Journal 

resorts and fishing reserves.""* However, Mather also 
gained support from many nationally-prominent fig- 
ures, among them New Jersey manufacturer William 
Gregg. An activist in the National Parks Association 
and the Audubon Society, Gregg plunged astride a horse 
deep into Cascade Comer to photograph waterfalls. 
Belcher Meadows terrain, and other scenery. His pho- 
tographs, he claimed, proved that the Comer could "take 
care of the increasing throngs of camping motorists" 
certain to arrive at Yellowstone National Park in the 
coming years. Subsequently, much of his photography 
and writings appeared in publications with national cir- 

Mather's new supporters included naturalist and Field 
and Stream editor George Grinnell, the publisher of 
Saturday Evening Post, and landscape architect 
Frederick Olmstead. Olmstead was a founder and of- 
tlceholder of the New England Conference for the Pro- 
tection of National Parks, an organization that spoke 
for 18 scientific and conservationist groups. Another 
of Mather's best allies was J. Horace McFarland, head 
of the American Civic Association and, in the eyes of a 
critic, "a crank on the subject of preserving the West in 
its natural state."-" 

McFarland believed that accepting any of the pro- 
posals from irrigationists would imperil Yellowstone 
National Park environmentally. Moreover, he echoed 
Mather's thinking that allowing them to build water- 
works at Cascade Comer would prove an "entering 
wedge toward the wholesale exploitation" of the park's 
"water resources." He even asserted that the Fremont- 
Madison Company's "ultimate design includes the use 
of Yellowstone Lake as an irrigation reservoir."-' Ac- 
cordingly, McFarland needled forces like the National 
Parks Association and American Automobile Associa- 
tion until the groups played bigger roles in holding the 
irrigationists at bay. He spread a wide net among Ameri- 
can scientific and professional societies and brought 
even the Arnold Arboretum at Boston aboard his band- 
wagon. McFarland lobbied Pennsylvania's 37 U.S. 
congressmen to bar irrigationists from Cascade Comer; 
in lobbying western congressmen for the same ends, 
he argued to them that they could not consistently sup- 
port the Fremont-Madison plan after having already 
pledged themselves for political reasons to protect the 
national park system. " 

Helping these activists, America's fourth estate par- 
ticipated in indicting nationally the Fremont-Madison 
Company's plan. If the company succeeded, a Penn- 
sylvania and an Ohio newspaper charged, the result 
would be a "despoiling" and "profaning" of 
Yellowstone National Park.-' Calling all of them evil, 

many journalists lumped together the Fremont-Madi- 
son Company and the different Idaho and Montana 
forces that wanted to their own waterworks elsewhere 
in the same national park. A Boston joumalist accused 
the Fremont-Madison Company of encouraging the 
others to demand "their portion of the plunder" at 
Yellowstone. Another writer claimed that "Western 
ranchers, businessmen and irrigation engineers" con- 
spired with the others "to grab Yellowstone Park."-" 

For opponents of the Fremont-Madison plan, the odds 
improved for them to scuttle the plan in 1920. The 
irrigationists' best ally in the govemment. Secretary 
Lane, resigned his post early in this year, and his suc- 
cessor, John Payne, opposed the plan. Payne, a con- 
gressman asserted, was "impervious" to all arguments 
on behalf of the scheme.-"' 

Despite this clamoring from the Fremont-Madison 
Company's enemies, in April 1920, the U.S. Senate 
approved a bill granting the company its wishes. How- 
ever, the House of Representatives might reject simi- 
lar legislation, the so-called Smith bill, in the face of 
opposition that Payne, Mather, and groups like the 
American Civic Association would predictably exploit. 
Hence, Congressman Addison Smith of Idaho, name- 
sake of the House bill, attempted to minimize the con- 
sequences of such resistance. He asked the House to 
consider the bill immediately under a special suspen- 
sion of the mles.-* Smith's maneuver failed, giving op- 

'^ Rigby {Idaho) Star. April 29, 1920, \; Bingham County (Idaho) 
News. December 1, 1920, 1. 

'" William C. Gregg, My Business Career: Family Letters and 
Records (Hackensack, New Jersey, 1933), xi; "The Fight for 
Yellowstone's Waters," Literary Digest. 67 (October 23, 1920), 
9 1 ; Gregg, "Cornering Cascade." Saturday Evening Post. Novem- 
ber 20, 1 920, and Gregg, "Who Owns America's National Parks?" 
American Motorist. December 19, 1920, clippings in "Irrigation 
and Dam Problems" Scrapbook. 

-" Addison T. Smith to D. W. Davis, May 11, 1920, Davis Pa- 

-' J. H. McFarland to Congressman Frank Mondell, April 13, 
1920 (copy), Davis Papers. 

-- Ernest Morrison, J. Horace McFarland: A Thorn for Beauty 
(Harrisburg: Pennsylvania Historical and Museum Commission, 
1995), 236-239; John C. Miles, Guardians of the Parks: A His- 
tory of the National Parks and Conservation Association (Wash- 
ington, D.C.: Taylor and Francis, 1995), 33. 

■^ Harrisburg Patriot. April 19, \920, and Columbus State Jour- 
nal. April 27, 1920, clippings in "Irrigation and Dam Problems" 

-'' Boston Evening Transcript. April 17, 1920 (1st qtn.), and 
Rochester (New York) Herald. October 1, 1920 (2nd qtn.), clip- 
pings in "Irrigation and Dam Problems" Scrapbook. 

-' Addison T. Smith to D. W. Davis, May II, 1920, Davis Pa- 

-*■ Addison T. Smith to D. W. Davis, March 27, 1920, Davis 

Spring 2000 

ponents of the Smith bill new opportunities to chal- 
lenge it.-' 

During new fighting over the Smith bill. Smith still 
hoped to prevail with help from the House leadership, 
notably from majority party leader Frank Mondell of 
Wyoming. Smith presumed that Mondell, earlier a 
namesake for important federal legislation that furthered 
the use of western land for agricultural purposes, sym- 
pathized with the Smith bill. Smith also relied on 
Mondell for another reason. Mondell positioned him- 
self publicly as a special friend of irrigation develop- 
ment in Wyoming.-'* 

Mondell surprised Smith. Echoing the outlooks of 
Payne and Mather, Mondell held that irrigationists 
should never commercialize any part of a national park. 
As for the Fremont-Madison Company, Mondell told 
Smith that neither should the corporation be allowed 
to disturb "moose and wild game" populations at Cas- 
cade Comer nor "take" the Comer's "water out of 
Wyoming."-" Mondell stood his ground, ignoring the 
opinions of Wyoming State Engineer Frank Emerson 
and direct appeals to him from Governor Carey. Carey 
and Emerson tried to persuade Mondell that Fall River 
water could never be used for irrigation within their 

In opposing the Smith bill because it would remove 
water from Wyoming, Mondell expressed sentiments 
that resonated across this state — best it was to exercise 
caution in allowing others to appropriate Wyoming's 
underutilized water lest Wyoming never recover it for 
its own irrigation purposes in coming times. Such cau- 
tion was essential, even State Engineer Emerson ar- 
gued, because only by more irrigation could Wyoming 
realize its "greatest agricultural development." Carey 
also vented the same ideas publicly although he con- 
tinued to disagree with Mondell about the disposing of 
Fall River water.'' 

Mondell had likewise listened to conservationists 
within his in-state constituency. This group deplored 
the Fremont-Madison Company's plan and similarly 
decried the proposals of others to install their water- 
works at Yellowstone Lake. At Cheyenne, a newspa- 
per accused the company of trying to "grab" Cascade 
Comer and later claimed part of the credit for stopping 
the corporation. The Business and Professional 
Women's Club, the Chamber of Commerce, and sev- 
eral different organizations at Cheyenne, the Delphian 
Club at Riverton, and chambers of commerce at 
Sheridan, Casper, Basin, and Douglas all opposed the 
placing of any irrigation facilities at the Comer.'- At 
the instigation of the same conservationists in 1921, 
Natrona County legislator J. W. Johnson proposed that 


the state legislature memorialize Congress to protect 
the Comer. According to Johnson's measure. Congress 
barred any "artificial lake or reservoir" or works that 
"raise[d] the water level of any natural lake or stream" 
within Yellowstone National Park. '' However, the leg- 
islature never passed Johnson's memorial. The mea- 
sure "got lost in the shuffle" when fighting over taxa- 
tion and the state budget preoccupied the legislature. "■ 

By the end of 1920, little chance remained for the 
Smith bill to pass. The National Park Service and its 
allies had convinced many that Cascade Comer de- 
served preser\'ation as parkland. Gregg's photographic 
material continued to attract attention to the Fall River 
system's 40 waterfalls and cascades. 

The case for the Comer remaining parkland also re- 
volved around the part of the Fremont-Madison 
Company's plan to build its grandest reservoir at 
Belcher Meadows. Placing a reservoir there, ihe 
company's foes argued, would min forests and mead- 
ows that were habitat for 500 moose and herds of elk 
and deer. Beyond calling for saving forests, meadows, 
and wildlife on its own merits, the same forces reiter- 
ated old contentions that Belcher would in an untouched 
state become in coining days a "Campers' Paradise" of 

•' Ise, Park Policy, .ill. 

-"/Jn'tTM/! (Wyoming) Chronicle. October 15. 1920, Torrington 
(Wyoming) Telegram, n.d., and Sheridan (Wyoming) Post. Oc- 
tober 26. 1920. clippings in Frank W. Mondell Papers, American 
Heritage Center, Llniversity of Wyoming. Laramie; Address of 
Frank W. Mondell, Orpheum Theater, Sheridan, Wyoming." Au- 
gust 4, 1922 (typescript), John B. Kendrick Papers. .American 
Heritage Center. 

-" Addison T. Smith to D. W. Davis. May 1 I. 1920, Davis Pa- 

^" "Wyoming Governor Approves Use [ot] Fall [River] Reser- 
voir in Idaho," April 6, 1920 (typescript), "Irrigation and Dam 
Problems" Scrapbook; Idaho Register {Idaho Falls). April 6, 1920. 

'" Fifteenth Biennial Report of the Stale Engineer to the Gover- 
nor of IVyoming. 1919-1920 (Laramie: Laramie Republican Com- 
pany. 1921), 15, 17-18; The Journal of the House of Representa- 
tives of the Fifteenth State Legislature of Wyoming (Laramie: 
Laramie Republican Company, 1919), 20. 

-■ Cheyenne State Leader. December 10, 1920. I; ibid, un- 
dated clipping in "Irrigation and Dam Problems" Scrapbook; Dam 
Across [the] Yellowstone River: Hearing before the Committee 
on Irrigation. United States Senate, on S. 4529. A Bill for the 
Erection and Maintenance of a Dam Across the Yellowstone River 
in the State of Montana flVyoming]. 66 Cong. 3 Sess. (Washing- 
ton: Government Printing Office, 1921), 176-180. 

" "Senate Joint Memorial No. 3," n.d. (typescript), Wyoming 
State Archives, Cheyenne; Cheyenne State Leader. January 27, 

"F. L. Babcock to Frank W. Mondell, February 6, 1921, printed 
in Dam... Yellowstone. 120 (qtn.); Casper (Wyoming) Daily Tri- 
bune. February 12, 1921, I; February 17, 1921. I. 


Annals or Wyoming: Wyoming History Journal 

"beautiful meadows, over which horses can be galloped 
freely, [and] interspersed with pleasant woods and bor- 
dered by one the most remarkable and lovely series of 
waterfalls in any of the National Parks."-' 

Rebutting its foes, the Fremont-Madison camp par- 
ticularly challenged the prescriptions of conservation- 
ists for Belcher Meadows. By putting a reservoir there, 
irrigationists argued, what was mainly swamps would 
be transformed into "a beautiful mountain lake." By 
this side's estimates, about 50 instead of 500 moose 
would be displaced by the reservoir, only for such wild- 
life to survive splendidly by migrating to a different 
part of Cascade Comer."*" 

In public hearings, Congressman Smith also helped 
the Fremont-Madison Company to better its case. Smith 
extracted admissions from Gregg and Saturday Evening 
Post writer Gilbert Pearson that contrary to their find- 
ings, putting reservoirs at Belcher and Mountain Ash 
Creek would harm neither Colonnade Falls, one of the 
Comer's natural wonders, nor several other waterfalls 
and cataracts.'" But when such defenses persuaded too 
few, the Fremont-Madison Company acknowledged its 

To the National Park Service's dismay, the Fremont- 
Madison and its allies regrouped for another fight. (Also 
to the Park Service's constemation, beating this com- 
pany in a water war had not discouraged others from 
petitioning again to put a reservoir at Yellowstone 
Lake.) Accordingly, Park Service administrators be- 
came more vigilant. One of them suggested that in the 
upcoming round of fighting over Cascade Comer, the 
Fremont-Madison Company might win; in that case, 
its irrigation project would be "Yellowstone's Hetch 
Hetchy," a reference to incidents at Yosemite National 
Park where commercial elements had intmded nearly 
a decade earlier." 

This administrator fretted for good reasons. Already 
certain rationales, similar to the Fremont-Madison 
Company's reasons for saying that Cascade Comer was 
suited to commercial penetration, had provided pre- 
texts for others to enter different national parks. Citing 
geographical factors, the municipality of San Francisco 
justified its commandeering of Hetch Hetchy for com- 
mercial purposes, and federal reclamationists used 
Sherburne Lake in Glacier National Park for agricul- 
tural ends in the Milk River Valley.^'' 

In readying itself for new trouble with Fremont-Madi- 
son Company, the National Park Service expected to 
rely heavily on old evidence demonstrating that Cas- 
cade Comer was essential park terrain; hence, the com- 
pany deserved no foothold there. Albert Fall, Secre- 
tary of the Interior in the Harding administration in 

1921-1923, upheld this view at Mather's urging.^" 

Outside the government, conservationists likewise 
mobilized for new battles to preserve Cascade Comer 
as parkland. They recruited new followers. In 1921, 
Gregg claimed that 28 organizations had "loosely fed- 
erated together" to defend Yellowstone National Park. 
Among them were groups ranging in power from the 
American Automobile Association to wildlife protec- 
tive associafions, women's clubs, and sociefies of sci- 
entists, foresters, and artists. Particularly in the eastern 
press, joumalists clamored again for the Comer to be 
parkland. Assessing his foes, an irrigationist counted 
more than a dozen magazines with national circulation 
that resisted his irrigation proposal.'" 

At the same fime, conservationists better documented 
Cascade Comer's parkland qualities. Gregg devoted 
two more summers to collecting facts about the Comer's 
natural features. U.S. Geological Survey engineer 
Birdseye recorded new observations of the Comer's 
"far-flung meadowlands, fine forests and streams, and 
some of the most exquisite waterfalls and cataracts in 
the entire national park system." Birdseye also 
remapped the Comer. His new map, published in 1 92 1 , 
deleted labels on earlier maps that classed Belcher 
Meadows a swamp and reflected Birdseye's other per- 
ceptions of the Comer's topography.''- To gather even 
more proof of the Comer's park qualities, conserva- 

" Ise, Park Policy. 310; Swain, Defender. 128-129; New En- 
gland Conference for the Protection of National Parks, "Facts 
Against the Smith Bill," n.d. (leaflet), copy in "Irrigation and 
Dam Problems" Scrapbook. 

^^ Cameron, "Irrigation," 10; Camp, "Parks," 44; Fred B. Reed, 
"'Desecrating Yellowstone Park," New West Magazine. 1 1 (No- 
vember 1920), 7-8. 

" Fremont County News (St. Anthony, Idaho), January 12, 1 92 1 , 
clipping in Davis Papers. 

^« Albright, Birth. 100. 

" For an account of how commercial forces invoked geographi- 
cal conditions to justify their entry at Hetch Hetchy, see Alfred 
Runte, Yosemite: The Embattled Wilderness (Lincoln: Univer- 
sity of Nebraska Press, 1990), 80. 

'" Swain, Defender. 145. 

■" W. C. Gregg, "Cascade Corner of Yellowstone Park," Out- 
look. 129 (November 23, 1921), 476; Livingston (Montana) En- 
terprise. December 12, 1920, 4. 

"- Yellowstone National Park Boundary Commission, Message 
from the President Transmitting the Final Report of the 
Yellowstone National Park Boundary Commission... House Docu- 
ment 710, 71 Cong. 3 Sess. (Washington: Government Printing 
Office, 1 93 1), 169-170; Report of the Director of the National 
Park Service to the Secretary of the Interior for the Fiscal Year 
Ended June 30. 1921 and the Travel Season 1921 (Washington: 
Government Printing Office, 1921), \9; Report of the Director of 
the National Park Service to the Secretary of the Interior for the 
Fiscal Year Ended June 30, 1922 and the Travel Season 1922 
(Washington: Government Printing Office, 1922), 111. 

Spring 2000 

tionists continued to explore the region for the rest of 
the 1920's. Using the new material, they again pubH- 
cized the best of the Comer's scenery and, for the first 
time, alluded to its values for camping and other forms 
of outdoors recreation. 

For different reasons, too, conservationists demanded 
that commercialism never disturb the Comer. Eleanor 
Thurman, an officer of the American Civic Associa- 
tion who camped outdoors at Belcher Meadows after a 
long trek by horseback to the spot in 1 926, urged keep- 
ing Belcher in its natural state so that people could al- 
ways "spend a few days of quiet and peace away from 
the honk of automobiles, the noise and smoke of trains, 
and the hue and cry of the typical tourist.""" 

The National Park Service and its allies chided the 
Fremont-Madison Company additionally for wanting 
reservoirs at Cascade Comer when the same waterworks 
could be built on Idaho's streams. Birdseye located three 
sites for such reservoirs. But the company commis- 
sioned its own engineering survey in which the sites 
were judged unsuitable on engineering and economic 
grounds. ^^ Nonetheless, conservationists continued to 
denounce the company for the same reasons. In Wyo- 
ming, in 1926, the state division of the Izaak Walton 
League complained that the corporation still attempted 
without good reasons to situate its reservoirs at the 
Corner.^' For the most part, conservationists believed 
that the company's reservoirs belonged in the Teton 
River Basin. ^^ 

Simultaneously, resistance to releasing any of Cas- 
cade Comer's water to the Fremont-Madison Company 
rooted more deeply in Wyoming's political, farm, and 
commercial circles. There, such opposition grew, even 
after Govemor Carey still declared the Comer's water 
to be unusable in his state, because beliefs persisted 
that for some unforeseen reasons the same water could 
be consumed in Wyoming at a later date. Carey's suc- 
cessors encouraged this notion. For instance. Gover- 
nor Nellie Ross alluded tacitly to such a possibility 
when she noted that agricultural developments histori- 
cally "come in waves — a period of progress, then a 
period of reverses." State Engineer Emerson remarked, 
in 1926, that even at this early date, Wyoming had found 
so many new uses for its "water resources" that it was 
becoming "an important agricultural State." Govemor 
of Wyoming in 1 927- 1 93 1 , Emerson continued to urge 
the expansion of wet farming in order to spur the state's 
economic growth."*' 

Thomas Cooper, president of the Wyoming Wool 
Growers Association, protested: "Wyoming is being 
used for a place to store snow for water for surround- 
ing states. We would like to use some of the resources 


for the benefit of the people" of Wyoming.""* Or, at the 
least, a western Wyoming dude rancher held that re- 
sources like Cascade Comer's water should never "go 
outside the state unless the State of Wyoming makes 
the other State pay for it.""*" 

Meanwhile, National Park Service leaders and park 
defenders outside the government had new reasons for 
anticipating worse trouble with the Fremont-Madison 
Company. From 1921 to 1923. dry times during crop- 
ping seasons hampered Fremont-Madison waterusers, 
and they demanded relief when drought depleted their 
water supplies long before harvest time in 1924. With- 
out water from Cascade Comer reserv oirs in the sum- 
mer, the users believed, their distress probably would 
worsen. A journalist called such catchments: "a farm- 
ers' insurance policy against a water shortage."^" Ac- 
cordingly, the Fremont-Madison Company vowed 
to build such reservoirs without more delay. Rejecting 
pressures to create a new reservoir system in the Teton 
River Basin, the company still claimed that storing 
water at Cascade Comer was the most economical al- 

Idaho state officials speculated that, perhaps, the Fre- 
mont-Madison Company could be helped at this junc- 
ture by dusting off an old plan of theirs to "amputate" 
the Belcher and Mountain Ash reservoir sites from 
Cascade Comer. This plan, as embodied in state-level 
legislation enacted in 1 92 1 , established a Fremont Game 
Preserve containing 64.000 acres of state-owned land 
situated alongside the Idaho- Wyoming boundan,. In 
this sanctuary, an area adjoining the westem perimeter 

^' Boundary Commission. Final Report. 119-131; Eleanor 
Thurman, "Coveted Corner: The Endangered Meadows in 
Yellowstone Park," Outlook. 144 (December 1, 1926), 435. 

'■'' Boston Evening Transcript, .^pril 17, 1920, clipping in "Irri- 
gation and Dam Problems" Scrapbook; Cameron, "Irrigation." 

"*" "Minutes of the Proceedings of the Second ."Xnnual Conven- 
tion Held at \'ellowstone Park, Wyoming," .August 24-25. 1926, 
14 (mimeographed). Izaak Walton League, Wyoming Division 
Papers, .American Heritage Center. 

■"' Boundary Commission, Final Report. 37-51; Cameron. "Ir- 
rigation," 26; Salt Lake Tribune. .April 4. 1931, clipping in Wyo- 
ming State Engineer Papers, Wyoming State .Archives. 

" Nellie T. Ross to Hubert Work, September 16, 1926, Nellie 
Tayloe Ross Papers, Wyoming State Archives; "Article for [the] 
Wyoming State Tribune," January 16, 1926 (mimeographed), 
Frank C. Emerson Papers, .American Heritage Center (2nd and 
3rd qtns.). 

"■* Boundary Commission, Final Report. 86. 

■"" Ibid.. 93. 

-" C. C. Moore to Addison T. Smith, November 25, 1 925, Charles 
C. Moore Papers, Idaho State Archives; Rexburg (Idaho) Stan- 
dard. October 21, 1926, clipping in .Addison T. Smith Papers, 
Idaho State Historical Society. 


Annals ot Wyoming: Wyoming History Journal 

of Yellowstone National Park, the park's wildlife could 
safely find additional space and forage. However, the 
game preserve would remain non-functional until fed- 
eral authorities reciprocated by opening Cascade Cor- 
ner to the Fremont-Madison Company and deleted the 
reservoir sites, plus some adjacent terrain, from the 
national park system." 

Because Mather refused to bargain over Cascade 
Comer, nothing had happened in the years 1 92 1 - 1 926. 
In fact, the National Park Service tried to expand in- 
stead of reduce Yellowstone National Park during those 

years. The bureau mostly wanted to "adjust" the park's 
southern boundaries by extending its jurisdiction to the 

^' Idaho Daily Statesman (Boise), August 9, 1921, clipping in 
"Irrigation and Dam Problems" Scrapbook; Ise, Park Policy. 311- 
312; Cameron, "Irrigation," 9. Were the Fremont Game Preserve 
functioning, it might interest the National Park Service. At this 
time, the agency's policies encouraged the expansion of the na- 
tional park system's herds of large mammals. This animal popu- 
lation required plenty of space and foraging terrain. Richard West 
Sellars, "Manipulating Nature's Paradise: National Park Man- 
agement under Stephen T. Mather, 1916-1928," Montana. The 
Magazine of Western History, 43 (Spring 1993), 8-9. 

Wyoming State Journal (Lander). September 24, 1920, clipping in "Irrigation and Dam Problems, " Scrapbook. 

Spring 2000 

Teton Mountains, part of Jackson Hole, and several 
hundred thousand acres of rugged but scenic land situ- 
ated beyond the park's southeast limits. " 

Finally, in 1929, Congress placed 150 square miles 
of Teton land in a newly-created Grand Teton National 
Park. U.S. Senator John Kendrick of Wyoming mas- 
terminded this outcome so that Wyoming's loss of ter- 
ritory to the national park system would be minimal."' 

By 1926, five years had elapsed in which the Na- 
tional Park Service continued to evince no disposition 
to bargain aw ay any of Cascade Comer in return for 
the Fremont Game Preserve becoming functional. 
Hence, the Fremont-Madison Company was no nearer 
to fulfilling its pledges to build reservoirs at the Cor- 
ner without any new dallying. Social unrest escalated 
across the Fremont-Madison district. At its extreme, 
pressures mounted among farmers, the local press, and 
commercial establishments for the company to build 
its reservoirs at the Comer over objections from the 
National Park Service and conservationist lobbies. An 
Idaho Chamber of Commerce officer remarked: "I be- 
lieve in these [national park] playgrounds," but they 
should be accommodated to the needs and necessities 
of the people" of the West.*"' 

Idaho Gov. Charles Moore reacted to the new unrest 
by initiating another battle over Cascade Comer. In- 
voking his predecessor's scheme to "amputate" the 
Comer from the national park system, Moore demanded 
that Congress at least remove 12,000 of the Comer's 
nearly 18,000 acres from Yellowstone National Park. 
By Moore's plan, which amended the Fremont-Madi- 
son Company's old blueprints in another way, the com- 
pany would create a single but grander reservoir at 
Belcher Meadows so that water withdrawn from it over 
the summer provided "supplemental" water supplies 
for at least 170,000 acres. 55 

Without a doubt, one of Moore's subordinates pre- 
dicted, the governor's proposal would cause conserva- 
tionists to protest. It invited blocking from the National 
Park Service if Congress attempted to remove Cascade 
Comer from the park system, *'' Congressman Smith 
agreed with this view and designed a strategy for side- 
stepping the pitfalls. In Congress, he hoped to secure 
legislation implementing Moore's proposal by exploit- 
ing the National Park Service's impulses to extend 
Yellowstone National Park in many directions. Hence, 
Smith introduced a bill by which 12,000 of Cascade 
Comer's acres were transferred from the jurisdiction 
of the Park Service to the U.S. Forest Service. The lat- 
ter saw no sin in building waterworks on federal land 
and presumably would not impede the Fremont-Madi- 
son Company from finally establishing a reservoir at 

Belcher. In retum for the Park Service losing control 
of the control of the better part of Cascade Comer, 
Smith's bill incorporated the Idaho-owned Fremont 
Game Preserve of 64,000 acres into Yellowstone Na- 
tional Park." 

Smith also attempted to tantalize conserv ationists and 
exploit the National Park Service's greed in another 
way. By presenting his proposal to Congress in the fonn 
of an amendment to a different bill. Smith hitched his 
proposal to legislation that added several hundred thou- 
sand acres of Wyoming land to Yellowstone National 
Park. Also to Smith's delight, the presidential admin- 
istration of Calvin Coolidge endorsed the last measure. 
Subsequently, Wyoming Senator Kendrick suggested 
that the two proposals be repackaged so that altogether 
Yellowstone National Park grew by 264,000 acres 
(64,000 acres within Idaho and 200,000 in Wyoming). 
Moore endorsed Kendrick's new arrangement.*- In 
Wyoming, a journalist speculated that Kendrick's 
scheme might win acceptance in his state even though 
earlier federal schemes to add Wyoming land to 
Yellowstone National Park had been "overwhelmingly 
opposed" across the state. The newspaperman reported; 
"...since the proposed additions [of Wyoming soil] have 
been cut down to include practically no lands now used 
for grazing livestock," the opposition to expanding the 
national park by carving land from Wyoming was no 
longer "particularly rampant."*'' 

Smith's machinations inspired the Fremont-Madison 
Company and Idaho state officials to draw up new blue- 
prints for a grand reservoir at Belcher w ithout waiting 
for congressional action on Smith's bill. The plans pre- 
scribed a dam towering 45 feet above the land; behind 

"• Cody (Wyoming) Herald. September 1, 1')I9, clipping in 
Mondell Papers; Horace M. Albright to William B. Ross, Janu- 
ary 26, 1923, William B. Ross Papers, Wyoming State Archives; 
Haines, Yello-nslone Stoiy. v. 2. 321; Robert W. Righter, Cru- 
cible for Consen'ation: The Creation of Grand Teton National 
Par^: (Boulder: Colorado Associated University Press. 1982), 32- 

^' Righter, Crucible. 38, 40-41. 

^' Idaho Falls (Idaho) Post. March 19, 1926. and Teton Peak 
Chronicle (St. Anthony, Idaho). March 25. 1926. clippings in 
Smith Papers; Cameron. "Irrigation." 39. 

^' C. C. Moore to Addison T. Smith. February 4, 1926, copy in 
Cameron, "Irrigation," 37-38. 

'" W. G. Swendsen to H. G. Fuller, .^ugust 3. 1926. Moore 

'' Haines. Yellowstone Story, v. 2. 344-345; "Re: S.B. No. 3427," 
May 1, 1926 (typescript), Moore Papers; Cameron, "Irrigation," 

'^ C. C. Moore to John B. Kendrick, August 10, 1926, Moore 

-"Jackson (Wyoming) Courier. April 1. 1926, clipping in Smith 


Annals of Wyoming: Wyoming History Jc 

Idaho Daily Statesman (Boise), May 16. 1926, page 5, Section 2. 

Spring 2000 


Robert Carey (left) unci John B. Kendrick. both Wyoming poliiuuins in- 
volved in the Cascade Corner issue. American Heritage Center photograph 

it, 175,000 acre-feet of water would cover 5500 acres 
at the reservoir's high-water martc. Moore remarked 
that the reservoir would convert "what is now a swamp 
into a lake.""" By one calculation, building such irriga- 
tion works would cost about $2,000,000."' 

The Smith-Kendrick scheme backfired, triggering a 
nastier conflict over Cascade Comer. Second in big 
wars over the Comer in the 1 920"s, the new fight lasted 
from 1926 to 1930. Mather and his subordinates re- 
portedly were tempted at the outset to accept the 
264,000 acres that Smith and Kendrick dangled before 
them, but other forces compelled the Park Service lead- 
ers to resist rather than write off 12,000 acres at the 

Comer. Their boss. Secretary of the Interior Hubert 
Work, preferred to preserve the Comer on its merits as 
parkland. The Park Service's conservationist constitu- 
encies generally opposed any surrendering of the 
Comer's turf and Mather dared not offend many of 
them. Among those stalwarts were leaders of powerfiil 
groups, especially heads of the American Civic Asso- 
ciation and the National Parks Association, that had 
always been mainstays during fights w ith the Fremont- 

*" Cameron, "Imgation," 36; "Re: S.B. No. 3427,' 
(typescript). Moore Papers (qtn.l 
'■' Boundary Commission, Final Report. 49. 

Mav 1, 1926 


Annals of Wyoming: Wyoming History Journal 

Madison Company. For its part. Outlook accelerated 
its own drive to preserve what it termed "the integrity 
of Yellowstone National Park." Outlook publishers 
claimed that their campaign generated plenty of new 
svmpathizers who condemned any bartering away of 
land at Cascade Comer. 

Resistance to the Smith-Kendrick proposals also 
mounted in other circles. For instance, at their annual 
convention in 1926, state game and wildlife depart- 
ment officials in 1 1 western states characterized the 
Smith-Kendrick measures a "perverting" of Cascade 
Comer's "natural advantages to commercial uses."" 

In the new fighting, the sides duked it out in the press; 
additionally, their battlegrounds ranged from fomms 
within federal and state govemment agencies to con- 
gressional hearings from which U.S. Senate and House 
of Representatives subcommittees drew opposite con- 
clusions. Such proceedings were held before the 
Yellowstone National Park Boundary Commission. An 
agency that Congress established on February 28, 1 929, 
the boundary commission was instmcted to render judg- 
ments on the fate of Cascade Comer and settle several 
other controversies about realigning the boundaries of 
Yellowstone National Park. 

In these fomms, the fighting over Cascade Comer 
revolved mainly around old issues that were unde- 
cided after almost a decade of debating, among them: 
did the physical geography and plant and wildlife eco- 
systems of the Corner qualify the area to remain 
parkland? Were the Comer's natural attributes like 
waterfalls grandiose enough that the area deserved to 
be classed as national park terrain? To what extent 
was the Comer potentially a new haven for tourists 
and users of the outdoors? How could one fairly char- 
acterize Belcher Meadows and assess the environmen- 
tal and social consequences of situating a reservoir at 
this place? Could preservation and commercialism ever 
coexist at the Comer? Could there be found a middle 
ground between the dogmatism of irrigationists and the 
self-assurance of National Park Service leaders and the 
conservationist forces to whom those govemment of- 
ficials listened? Were interstate differences between 
Idaho and Wyoming a roadblock to ever deciding the 
disposition of the Comer's water resources? 

Breaking no ground, the Fremont-Madison side again 
referred to Belcher Meadows as a swamp and pointed 
out that nobody ever ventured there save "a few sports- 
men" who fished Cascade Comer's streams. Davis, 
former director of the U.S. Reclamation Service, 
claimed that Belcher and its environs contained "no 
scenery." In 1927, the U.S. Senate's subcommittee on 

public lands weighed in on the same side, holding that 
the Belcher sector "has no particular or unusual scenic 
values."*^ Conversely, said landscape architect Harold 
Capam, he had "ridden and walked" over the Belcher 
sector "always on the lookout for swamps" but "was 
unable to find a single wet place. "''^ A House of Repre- 
sentatives subcommittee likewise classed Belcher as 
scenic and habitable by humans. Reiterating his old 
perceptions of Belcher, Albright described it "forest- 
dotted meadows."*'' 

Discussing her observations of Belcher during a visit 
to the area in 1927, an officer of the General Federa- 
tion of Women's Clubs reported: 

Every opening in the trees revealed to our eyes some 
delightflil surprises. Of brilliant rainbow-tinted water- 
falls there seemed no end, and lovely wooded islands, 
with the river forming cascades on either side, were an 
added charm. And all of these scenes were so fresh, so 
unspoiled by contact with man that it seemed as though 
they had been newly created.'''' 

The sides also disagreed about the environmental 
consequences of damming at Belcher. The National 
Park Service and its allies condemned such damming 
because it would destroy what the Fremont-Madison 
side deemed unworthy of preservation. Aside from 
deploring losses to a Belcher reservoir of scenic vistas 
and habitat and forage for wildlife, conservationists 
objected that such a reservoir would submerge water- 
falls at Duranda, Silver Scarf, and Ouzel. Moreover, 
the same resisters held that any dam at Belcher would 
be so ugly and disharmonious with its surroundings as 
to mar the region's environment permanently. By this 
mind-set, it mattered not that the Fremont-Madison 
Company offered to build an earthen dam and to cam- 
ouflage the face of the stmcture with plant-life that was 
indigenous to Cascade Comer. Neither could the sides 
agree on whether damming at Belcher would unrea- 

'■- Miles, Guardians, 64; Saylor, Jackson. 172; Boundary Com- 
mission, Final Report. 121-142, 167-179; "To the Looters of 
Yellowstone Park, Hands Off," Outlook. 144 (October 20, 1926), 
230; "The Yellowstone Grab: A Lesson in Geography," Outlook, 
144 (November 26, 1926), 394. 

" Addison T. Smith, "Wanted: A Reservoir," Outlook. 145 
(January 19, 1927), 78; Cameron, "Irrigation," 38, 41; Pocatello 
(Idaho) Tribune. July 28, 1928, clipping in Smith Papers. 

" Boundary Commission, Final Report. 124. 

"■-^ Cameron, "Irrigation," 38; Horace M. Albright, 
"Yellowstone's Chief Describes Belcher Basin," National Parks 
Bulletin. 8 (December 1926), 6-7. 

*' Boundary Commission, Final Report 1 19-120. 

Spring 2000 

sonably disturb the Comer's ecosystem of native plants, 
fish, birds, and mammals.''' 

Many conserv alienists stressed what they deemed to 
be the most compelling of all reasons for blocking res- 
ervoir-building at Belcher — preventing unsightly views 
and worse environmental damage that could arise from 
the lowering and raising of the proposed reservoir's 
water level. Fonnerly an U.S. Senator from Idaho but 
a New York resident in 1926, Fred Dubois encapsu- 
lated those concerns by pointing to what would almost 
inevitably happen were the Belcher reservoir con- 
structed. In his words, the shoreline of the man-made 
lake would be scarred by "blackened stumps, dead trees, 
mud banks, [and become] a home for ravens and buz- 
zards" when irrigators drew down the reservoir each 
summer.** For proof, conservationists averted to the 
same conditions which already existed at Jackson 
Hole's grandest body of water, Jackson Lake, when 
the farmers of southern Idaho drew down the lake for 
irrigation purposes. Because of sights such as Jackson 
Lake's debris-littered shoreline and smelly mud flats 
during the summer, critics maintained, the lake had 
become a permanent "eyesore."'''' 

In reply, the Fremont-Madison side minimized evi- 
dence that environmental costs could be expected from 
operating a new reservoir at Belcher. However, this 
side rested its case largely on a theory that the social 
and economic values of damming at Belcher should be 
paramount in deciding the outcome of this tlghting over 
Cascade Comer. According to the Fremont-Madison 
Company's estimates, operating the proposed reservoir 
allowed as much as 200,000 acres of farmland to be 
watered adequately; then the economic benefits of im- 
proving farming in this way would filter down and be 
translated into new social well-being for 30,000 resi- 
dents of the Fremont-Madison district.™ 

The opposite side rejected all suggestions for com- 
promising away the pristine values of Belcher. The 
group equated putting a reservoir at Belcher with sur- 
rendering priceless terrain to suit a handful of farmers. 
Furthermore, Mather and Albright renewed their old 
vows not only to treasure Cascade Comer's scenery 
and resources for social, environmental, and ecologi- 
cal reasons. Any "nibbling" by the Fremont-Madison 
side at the Comer, Albright declared, invited others to 
sever different territories from the national park sys- 
tem." Etched in Mather and Albright's memory were 
the National Park Service's setbacks at Hetch Hetchy 
in Califomia and Sherburne Lake in Montana, and they 
took no chances that developments at Cascade Comer 
could help to precipitate similar reverses. 

Important forces in Wyoming similarly arrayed them- 


selves against the Fremont-Madison side. J. T. Scott, 
president of the Wyoming Game and Fish Commis- 
sion, even claimed that when the Yellowstone National 
Park Boundary Commission held hearings at Cody and 
Jackson in 1929, people from Wyoming "voted" al- 
most in unison at the sessions "against giving Belcher 
Meadows over to any commercial or irrigation project." 
Embroidering this view, Scott added that across his 
state, nobody supported the Fremont-Madison crowd 
except "a few who have been influenced by personal 
interests or misinformation. "'- 

Emphasizing notions common to conservationists, a 
Laramie newspaper decried the Fremont-Madison 
Company's new designs on Belcher. On July 1 2, 1 929, 
the Washakie County Sportsmen's Club resolved that 
all of Cascade Comer should be reserved as parkland 
so that in the future, it could be a new haven for tour- 
ists. The Wyoming division of the Izaak Walton 
League, an organization with 1 ) active chapters scat- 
tered across the state, called for no encroaching on na- 
tional parks to impound water "for any commercial 

Sometimes for parochial reasons instead of high- 
minded conservationist convictions, Wyoming electors 
also dissented. The companion proposals of Smith and 
Kendrick galled them the most; they especially dis- 
liked the proposals because in order for the Fremont- 
Madison Company finally to establish itself at Cas- 
cade Comer when 12,000 of the Comer's acres were 
removed from the National Park Serv ice's jurisdiction. 
200,000 acres of Wyoming's terrain must be transferred 
into Yellowstone National Park. Still heading 
Wyoming's Game and Fish Commission in 1 930, Scott 
complained about the proposed transactions: 

"' "The Yellowstone Grab," Outlook. 145 (January 19, 1927), 
73; Bartlett. Yellowstone. 353. 

"'* Cameron, "Irrigation," 6 (qtn.), 39; Pocatello Tribune. Au- 
gust 1 4, 1 926, clipping in Smith Papers; Idaho Daily Daily States- 
man. May 16.1926, 5, sec. 2. 

'^' Righter, Crucible. 9-10; Garet Garrett, "The Tale of Uncle 
Sam's Voyage in an Irrigation District," Saturday Evening Post, 
197 (January 17, 1925), 9, 119; Saylor, Jac/tso«. 155. 

'" Cameron, "irrigation," 22; Smith, "Wanted," 78. 

'' Cameron, "Irrigation." 39-41. 

'- J. T. Scott to Senator John B. Kendrick, January 16, 1930, 
printed in Boundary Commission. Final Report. 162. 

"' "'To the Looters of Yellowstone Park, Hands Off!' An Edi- 
torial from the Laramie, Wyoming Republican-Boomerang of Oc- 
tober 23, 1926," Outlook. 144 (November 10, 1926), 333-334; 
Boundary Commission, Final Report. 147; "Items Abstracted from 
[the] Third Annual Convention, Wyoming Division, Izaak Walton 
League." August 47-18, 1927 (typescript), and "Report of [the] 
Fourth Annual Convention, Izaak Walton League of America, 
Wyoming Division." December 1 1-12, 1928 (mimeographed), 9, 
Izaak Walton League. Wyoming Division Papers. 


Annals or Wyoming: Wyoming History Journal 

The absolute injustice of the proposal [to expand 
Yellowstone National Park] is that the southwestern 
portion [12,000 acres of Cascade Comer] is to be taken 
out of the park and given to Idaho for reclamation and 
that Wyoming must give up about 200,000 acres to 
compensate for the loss, and we are not to receive any 
benetlt whatsoever but rather to suffer permanent and 
enormous losses in the years to come." 

Among many groups in Wyoming, the state's Izaak 
Walton organizations believed that Wyoming contained 
no terrain to barter away. Instead, this state should re- 
tain control of the 200,000 acres that would be lost 
under Kendrick and Smith's schemes in order for Wyo- 
ming authorities to guarantee that the region remain in 
"primeval status."'^ 

Battling over Cascade Comer continued to rage in- 
conclusively but with more bitterness partly because 
two congressional committees had differently assessed 
the suitability of Belcher and its immediate environs 
to remain national park domain. Decision-making 
passed to the Yellowstone National Park Boundary 
Commission in 1929. Finally, on March 6, 1930, the 
Commission handed down decisions that stunned the 
Fremont-Madison Company. Exercising its power to 
rule on disputes such as the controversy over Cascade 
Comer, the commission decided that neither this com- 
pany nor its allies had "demonstrated [a] public neces- 
sity" for severing any part of the Comer from the na- 
tional park system.'^ Moreover, the Commission stmck 
hard at the economic and engineering premises by 
which the Fremont-Madison Company had always 
claimed that its reservoirs belonged within the Comer. 
According to C. A. Bock, the Commission's consult- 
ing engineer, the Teton River Basin contained a site 
entirely within Idaho that compared favorably to the 
Belcher location on all counts. There, Bock's calcula- 
tions showed, the company could establish a new res- 
ervoir as economically as putting the same waterworks 
at Belcher. Furthermore, he reported, the company 
could impound larger amounts of water at the Teton 
site than could ever be accumulated at Belcher." 

Congress accepted the Boundary Commission's ver- 
dict, and observers concluded that the fight for Cas- 
cade Comer had ended on Mather, Albright, and the 
conservation movement's terms. But they misjudged 
the power of ideas and the tenacity of Fremont-Madi- 
son district farmers who had recently replaced the Fre- 
mont-Madison Company with a new, govemment-sanc- 
tioned Enterprise Irrigation District. Because of water 
shortages at the start of the 1 930's and heavy losses on 
account of drought in 1934, those farmers revived the 

old plan for putting a reservoir at Belcher from which 
to draw extra quantities of water. The U.S. Geological 
Survey encouraged the agrarians to petition again for 
Belcher waterworks on the grounds that a catchment 
there would at least "relieve" their water shortages 

On petitioning newly for Belcher waterworks, the 
Fremont-Madison farmers' pleas fell on deaf ears in 
Congress and the U.S. presidential administration of 
Franklin Roosevelt that came to power in 1933. Secre- 
tary of the Interior Harold Ickes wamed fanners that 
Roosevelt and his New Dealers intended to bar "water 
developments" at all "lakes and streams" within the 
national parks. ''' Because of the New Dealers' "blind 
prejudice" on this score, an U.S. Bureau of Reclama- 
tion official speculated, water-taking from Yellowstone 
National Park could never happen. His prediction was 
accurate. New Dealers never blinked in the face of more 
pressure to allow irrigationists a new reservoir at Cas- 
cade Comer. However, Ickes at the last maneuvered to 
deflect Fremont-Madison farmers fi^om continuing to 
agitate for Belcher waterworks. Ickes provided 
$4,000,000 in Great Depression-relief money so that 
those farmers could build themselves a new irrigation 
reservoir at Island Park."" Island Park was situated on 
the north fork of the Snake River"' 

The long fight over Cascade Comer ended in 1935. 
Only a tiny faction of Fremont-Madison holdouts even 
dared to think of reviving their old fight. But when, in 
1 937, they unveiled another proposal to establish a res- 

" J. T. Scott to Congressman Vincent Carter, January 27, 1930, 
printed in Boundary Commission, Final Report. 

■- "Report of [the] Proceedings...,'" December 11-12, 1928, 9 
(qtn.), and "Items Abstracted from the Proceedings of the Fifth 
Annual Convention, Wyoming Division, Izaak Walton League," 
August 20-21, 1929 (mimeographed), Izaak Walton League, 
Wyoming Division Papers. 

™ Boundary Commission, Final Report. 9. 

''Ibid. 37-51. 

"» Idaho Falls (Idaho) Post-Register July 28, 1932, 4, Novem- 
ber 16, 1934, 1 ; W. G. Hoyt, Water Utilization in the Snake River 
Basin, U.S. Department of the Interior, Geological Survey, Wa- 
ter Supply Paper 657 (Washington: Government Printing Office, 
1935), 174. 

" Congressman Compton I. White to R. W. Paris, July 24, 1 933, 
Idaho Reclamation Records, Collection AR-20, Idaho State Ar- 

"" E. B. Debler to R. W. Paris, July 17, 1934, Idaho Reclama- 
tion Records; Hugh Lovin, "Yellowstone National Park, Jackson 
Hole, and the Idaho Irrigation Frontier," Idaho Yesterdays. 43 
(Winter 2000), 17. 

*' For the Yellowstone National Park Boundary Commission's 
reservations about putting a reservoir here, see Boundary Com- 
mission, F/wo/ ^e/jort, 51. 



ervoir at Belcher, U.S. Senator William Borah of Idaho 
persuaded them to desist. He warned the holdouts that 
because of fights over the Corner in the past, the 
struggles had forever "aroused the scenic apostles all 
over the country," and working in tandem with the 
National Park Service, those forces could mount 
"enough organized opposition" to defeat any new pro- 
posal. **- 

One and a half decades of fighting over Cascade 
Comer pointed out there were broad differences among 
the philosophies and social motivations of those Ameri- 
cans who were behind several grand initiatives for shap- 
ing the 20th-century West's destiny — reclamation of 
arid land by irrigation, establishing an excellent sys- 
tem of national parks, and preserving the West's natu- 
ral heritage. Such conditions invited the practice of 
western irrigation politics at its ugliest, ensured that 
resolving disputes was extraordinarily complicated, and 
dictated no speedy resolution of such controversies. 
When the cauldron boiled again, the same conditions 
prevailed in struggling over Cascade Comer that en- 
gaged quite a horde: many federal officials; congres- 
sional leaders; influential conservationists who domi- 
nated the American Civic Association and like-minded 
organizations; Wyoming's political captaincy and many 
constituents; Idaho's state government leaders; impor- 
tant segments of the nation's fourth estate; and the Fre- 
mont-Madison Company and an assortment of local 
forces that championed the corporation's interests. Little 
was certain from the outset of this fighting except that 
given the balance of power among so many interests, 
probably the Fremont-Madison Company was the loser. 

The sides dragged out the fighting by not settling on 
any middle ground. They never counted Cascade 
Comer's moose, elk, and deer populations to the satis- 
faction of both groups. The sides failed to agree that by 
common sense principles, probably Belcher Meadows 
was intrinsically scenic, all the more so because of the 
area's riverine environment and forest-covered ridges 
that towered above a meandering river valley, but the 
river's bottoms usually were swamp and alive with 
mosquitoes for a part of the year. Poles apart, the sides 
continued to judge it either maudlin or principled to 
think of Cascade Comer as parkland. 

If federal power and property rights figured in the 
decision-making, the National Park Service enforced 
federal supremacy to its advantage. As for interstate 
issues separating Idaho and Wyoming, the sides seized 
on disputes over Cascade Comer to perpetuate their 
ancient fights over water that arose in one state and 
crossed the boundary between them into the other; only 


long afterwards, the two states put to rest some of those 
old conflicts in an interstate compact of 1 949. But noth- 
ing in the new detente applied to the Fall River and its 
parts straddling Idaho and Wyoming. 

Wltimately, deciding Cascade Comer's fate in 
volved more than political jockeying among 
U.S. presidents, secretaries of the interior, the National 
Park Service, Congress, the Yellowstone National Park 
Boundary Commission, two states, the conservation 
movement, and the Fremont-Madison Company. Com- 
mon sense suggested that probably by the preponder- 
ance of the hard evidence about the Comer that conser- 
vationists amassed over the 1 920's, the Comer belonged 
in the national park system. Despite the rhetorical ex- 
cesses of Mather, Albright, and conservationists out- 
side the govemment like Gregg and McFarland, the 
Comer's physical geography qualified it by their evi- 
dence to remain parkland. Such a conclusion followed 
even though the Comer lacked geological wonders like 
geysers, and its terrain tended to inspire less awe than 
many parts of Yellowstone National Park. At its best, 
the Comer contained beautiful spots like Colonnade 
Falls, snow-capped mountains, picturesque canyons, 
unique escarpments like Batchelder Column, abundant 
forests, and lots of wildlife. 

Furthemiore, those facets of the Comer's natural set- 
ting underscored the region's potential for someday 
satisfying the needs of hordes of urban tourists and city- 
based dudes of outdoors recreation. No wonder that, in 
the end, the reservoir sites at Belcher Meadows and 
Mountain Ash Creek escaped the clutches of Fremont- 
Madison fanners. 

«- William E. Borah to R. W. Fans, ,lune 28, 1937. Idaho 
Reclamation Records. 

Hugh T. Lovin is professor emeritus ofhistoy. 
Boise State Universitw A native of Idaho, he 
has lived in Alaska. Nebraska. Oregon and 
Washington prior to returning to Idaho in 1 965. 
He is a specialist on 20th centuiy Western poli- 
tics. His numerous publications include 
"Clarence T. Johnston 's Dissent: A Challenge 
to Gifford Pinchot and the Conservation 
Ethos. " in Annals of Wyoming. Fall. 1984. 

Highway Conslruction over Ihc 

Summit: Ihc Cheyenne Pa$$- 

lelephone Canyon Road 

By John £. Walter 

Wyoming Highway Department photograph 
Telephone Canyon road, east of Laramie, 1920s. 



Native Americans had used a particular canyon 
for centuries going forth and back on their 
hunting and warring expeditions to pass over 
what the first white men to explore the area 
called variously the Black Hills, Laramie Hills, 
Sherman Mountains, and finally, Laramie Mountains. 

The first documented use of the canyon and pass by 
white men was in Captain Howard Stansbury's report 
to Col. John James Abert, Chief of the Corps of Topo- 
graphical Engineers, Washington, D.C., relative to his 
reconnaissance of the 40th parallel for a possible rail- 
road location.' 

Jim Bridger had been hired at Fort Bridger to guide 
Captain Stansbury from Fort Bridger east. While 
enroute, Bridger met an old Sioux Indian chief who 
had the proud name of Chief Buffalo Dung. The chief 
gave Bridger directions to the canyon and what he called 
Cheyenne Pass, which the party reached September 27, 
1850.- With Bridger's knowledge of the pass and 
Stansbury's report, which outlined his use of the pass, 
it soon became a popular route for traverse. 

Westbound emigrants began using it in the late 1 850s. 
It was popularly called the Emigrant Road and later 
maps called it the Salt Lake Road. Overland travelers 
used the pass and canyon as an alternate route.' 

Telephone service between Cheyenne and Laramie 
became a reality in 1882 with the construction of a 
phone line from Cheyenne, up Lodgepole Creek, over 
Cheyenne Pass and through the canyon, which soon 
began to be called Telephone Canyon. Prior to the 
Cheyenne-Laramie phone line, phone service could be 
had over the Union Pacific's signal line between the 
two cities."* 

Perhaps the New York to Paris automobile race, 
which passed through Wyoming in March, 1 908, alerted 
the Albany County Commissioners to begin preparing 
for automobile traffic.^ In any case, the County Com- 
missioners at their May 18, 1910, meeting established 
a right-of-way 66 feet in width for a county road be- 
ginning at the east end of Grand Avenue in Laramie 
through Telephone Canyon to the Cheyenne Pass Road 
on the Summit.* 

Z. E. Sevison, who had been Albany County sur- 
veyor for four years, became State Highway Engineer 
after the creation of the Wyoming Highway Depart- 
ment in April, 1917, and soon arranged a joint venture 
between Albany County and the Highway Department 
for improvement of the Lincoln Highway from Laramie 

At their July, 1918, meeting, the Albany County 
Commissioners adopted the following resolution: "Af- 


ter careftil consideration by this Board and the State 
Highway Department of all proposed routes for the 
Laramie-Cheyenne road, it appears the most feasible 
and practical route is that commonly known as the 
"Telephone Canyon Road," the estimated cost of which 
is $17,280.00.'" 

Preliminary surveys had been made of four different 
routes and the Telephone Canyon Route shortened the 
distance 7.5 miles over the existing route. 

In 1918, Ames and Braisted, Laramie contractors, 
were hired to construct eight miles of 16-foot roadway 
beginning 2.16 miles east of the east city limits of 
Laramie, extending through the Canyon and onto the 

Labor shortage and the "flu epidemic" prevented the 
work from being completed in 1918, but it was finally 
finished in 1919 at a total cost of $12,583.05. Albany 
County furnished $7,052.50; the State Highway De- 
partment, $4,530.55; and Mountain States Telephone 
and Telegraph, $2,000.« 

As traffic increased through the Canyon, it was nec- 
essary in 1 920 to establish a two-man maintenance sta- 
tion on the east side of Cheyenne Pass. This was near a 
spring that still exists. The maintenance men were kept 
busy dragging the road to hold down "wash-boarding," 
clean up slides, and do as much improvement work as 
possible. This station was in use until 1926, at which 
time the Forest Service requested it be moved to what 
was known as Cold Spring. This would be on the north 
side of what is now Interstate 80 at milepost 321.50. 

1 Capt. Howard Stansbury, Exploration and Sun'ey of the Val- 
ley of the Great Salt Lake of Utah, including a Reconnaissance of 
a New Route through the Rocky Mountains. (Philadelphia; 
Lippincott, Grambo and Co., 1852), 266. 

- Ihui., 266. 

■' Richard G. Beidleman, ed., "The 1859 Overland Journal of 
Natualist George Suckley," .Annals of Wyoming 28 (April 1956). 

^ For the telephone information, see Marie Erwin, Wyoming 
Historical Blue Book (Cheyenne: Wyoming State Archives and 
Historical Dept., 1974), 661. There was a mild attempt to name it 
Happy Jack Canyon as a continuation of the Happy Jack Road, 
but it didn't catch on. 

^ See Emmett D. Chisum, "Crossing Wyoming B\ Car in 1908: 
The New York to Paris Automobile Race," .Annals of Wyoming 
52 (Spring, 1980), 34-39. 

'■ Commissioner Proceedings of County Commissioners, Al- 
bany County Clerk records. Record Group 1052. Wyoming State 
Archives, Parks and Cultural Resources Dept., Cheyenne. 

' Ibid. 

' Highway Commission Minutes, Wyoming Highway Commis- 
sion and Department Record Group 45, Wyoming State Archives, 
State Parks and Cultural Resources Department, Cheyenne. Later 
references to bid amounts come from official commission min- 
utes and reports. 


Annals of Wyoming: Wyoming History Journal 




"~'^^S:'-4^«i^ . 

Canyon, 1948. 
Below, the 
same location 
in 2000. 
Author 's 


In 1923 the Highway Department requested bids for 
a 3.94 mile project, beginning 2.16 miles east of the 
east city limits of Laramie, to reconstruct the existing 
16-foot roadway to a 24-foot width with 18 feet of 
gravel surfacing. A 22-foot reinforced concrete bridge 
over Canyon Creek was also included. The cost of this 
project was $57,641 .87 of which $37,265.46 was fed- 
eral aid.'' 

In 1925 this 3.94 miles plus 2. 16 miles from the west 
end of the project to the Laramie city limits was se- 
lected as one of two projects in the state to be "oiled." 
The "oiling" on this project cost $3,402.65. The re- 
mainder of the canyon was reconstructed to a 24-foot 
width during 1 924- 1 926. The total cost including "oil- 
ing" was $3 1,700.84. '» 

Except for maintenance, no further surfacing was 

done in the canyon until 1931-1932 during which time, 
after some widening and reconstruction, a 20-foot wide 
oil mat was constructed at a total cost of $67,238.73. 
At the completion of the foregoing, the maintenance 
station at Cold Spring was discontinued and all main- 
tenance work in the canyon was done by the Laramie 
crew. No further improvements were made in the can- 
yon until after World War 11.'" 

One man, Gardner Manfull, should be recognized for 
his years of service with the Wyoming Highway De- 
partment and his engineering involvement with Tele- 
phone Canyon. He began working in Laramie April 
18, 1923, as an instrument man, soon became resident 

' Ibid 

'" Z. E. Sevison, "Bituminous Treatment of Crushed Rock and 
Gravel Surfaces," Wyoming Roads 2 (November, 1925), 3-5. 

Sprinc; 2000 

John King, the highway maintenance man on the Lincoln High- 
way for many years, poses in this 1950 photograph with his 
wife in front of the Kiwanis fountain, built in 1925. near the 
summit. Author's collection. 

Right. U. S. For- 
est Service mile- 
age map showing 
the Cheyenne- 
Laramie route. 






Soited numt^trs [ I* 1 etc ^ 

Mi/eg^e fe Ldrsmie. 
Other number^ ^ Milrs^e on SJ// Park jnd 

the Lions Trs,l " ^'i'rurzvn:is 




fi'^hfjtpamr on [33'! ^-. 
Linca'n H,t^hrv.ay Jnj^A 



■O.'tf Monte Cnsto 
'3/10 mi to '^'^C 
Ljo-'^s OenA. 
', 3^§ flocks 

'^^A''' '/ms^ ''"'^ '^°'" ■''' ^''^^ ^^"^ ^ Tattle Mm 

SoiithCmn^rr - - 
Whilf mo^orin2 and CJr^p'ng 
in Our playground:,, be cirffTul 
with al\ forms o* fire 

And leave yowr camps dear 
— liUe you like to find them 

- ^ ^ f?oa-d Top A 

Umori pjcific 

I09 No 111 

To The Liens Trji/ 

^CiTy& Counfj' Qldi^ 


i Cjpi hi Ae 


Mi!c3§e ■ lions Trail ~ 80 ^ 

- Cheyenne to L^rjmie * 51 - 



^^ ^ 

Lincoln Highway sign on the summit east of 
Laramie. 1920s, incorrectly asseriuig that the 
highest point on the transcontinental highway 
was the "continental divide. " 

engineer, and spent his entire career spanning 40 years, 
retiring September 30, 1963, in the Laramie area. 

"Gard," as he was known, worked under the guid- 
ance and supervision of George W. Marks, district en- 
gineer for District 7, which included Albany County." 
Marks' association with the canyon ended February 1 , 
1935, after the canyon had been "oiled" and no further 
construction was done there until after World War II. 

During 1 946- 1 947. 4.485 miles was reconstructed to 

a 32-foot width extending from the east city limits of 

Laramie east into the canyon. This was followed in 

1952-1953 by 5.067 miles of four-lane undivided high- 

" Marks was a 1905 graduate from the L'nisersity of Michigan 
and began working for the highway department in May 1919. 


Annals or Wyoming: Wyoming History Journal 

Family picnic on Cheyenne Pass. July 4. 1919 

way through the canyon at a bid price of $674,983.25, 
the most expensive project in the canyon at that time. 

The first Interstate project extending into the canyon 
was 1.945 miles in length, four-lane undivided, begin- 
ning at the proposed location of the East Laramie In- 
terchange, east at a cost of $655,779.45. 

August 18, 1965, 3.355 miles of four-lane divided 
highway through the canyon was awarded to Husman 
Brothers of Sheridan at a bid price of $2,144,009.06, 
the most expensive project at that time. 

Due to increased traffic on 1 -80, a large part of which 
was trucks, the Highway Commission approved a com- 
plete reconstruction of 1-80 through the canyon and 
the approaches at either end of 5. 1 14 miles to five lanes, 
the fifth lane being added east bound. This was awarded 
to E.H. Oftedal and Sons, May 2, 1 996, at their bid price 
of $16,066,610.49. Compare this to the first 8-mile 
project let in the canyon and its approaches 80 years 
previous, the total cost of which was $12,573.05. 

Thus, after slightly more than 148 years, the canyon 
to Cheyenne Pass has become a state-of-the-art five- 
lane highway known as Telephone Canyon. 

Lone Tree, the "tree in the rock" along the highway east 
of Laramie, photographed about 1920.. 

Author John E. Walter began work with the Wyo- 
ming Highway Department in 1932 and retired 
on April 1, 1976, as the department 's secondary 
roads and state aid engineer. With the depart- 
ment, he was stationed at several places includ- 
ing Medicine Bow, Laramie, Basin (district en- 
gineer there from 1949-62), and Cheyenne. 

Book R 

ooR iveviews 

Edited Ly Carl Hallterg 

Remembering Heart Mountain: Essays on 
Japanese American Internment in Wyoming. 

Edited by Mike Mackey. Powell: Western History 
Publications, 1998. xii + 240 pp. Illustrations, 
index, notes. Paper. $16.95. 

Fifty years after the end of World War II, we are still 
piecing together the story of Japanese American 
internment through the substantial and growing body 
of literature, including numerous dissertations, books, 
plays, poetry, tllms, and videos. With this anthology, 
Mackey has brought us a valuable new resource 
focusing on the internment camp at Heart Mountain, 
Wyoming, one of the largest and best known of the ten 

The book grew out of the proceedings of a May 1 995 
symposium organized by Mackey and Northwest 
College history professor Steven Thulin. Twelve articles 
are revised conference papers and four are solicited 
essays. The contributors come from a wide range of 
backgrounds and experiences— from former internees, 
WRA statY, and area residents to scholars, researchers, 
and archivists— and this gives the book a well-balanced 
perspective. In addition, the organization of the te.xt 
into seven sections furnishes readers with a detailed 
overview about the camp. 

The first section of the book outlines the historical 
context of Japanese American internment in general. 
The two essays in Part II offer a rare and interesting 
look at Heart Mountains's economic impact on 
Wyoming, reflecting views from politicians, journalists, 
farmers, businessmen, and ordinary' citizens. Among 
the most fascinating in the collection are the three essays 
in Part III focusing on Heart Mountain Sentinel news- 
paper. Heart Mountain High School, and Heart 
Mountain Hospital, the three key institutions in the 

In the fourth section Frank Inouye's essay on the 
Heart Mountain draft resistance movement may be the 
most provocative in the book. By now most informed 
readers should have learned something about the 1 00th 
Infantry Battalion and 442nd Regiment. But draft 
resistance, a taboo subject for obvious reasons, still 
represents one of the hidden and most dramatic incident 
in camp history. What is more, Sam Fujishin's personal 
story as a Nisei soldier, and Ben Kuroki's controversial 

"home mission"of Part IV successfully establish an 
intertextual dialogue on the key issue of loyalty for the 
Nisei generation. Part V goes on to a cross-section of 
public reactions to Heart Mountain from area residents, 
an often-neglected dimension of internment literature. 
And in Part VI, both Lane Hirabayashi's historical essay 
and Eric Bittner's introduction on archival sources are 
illuminating pieces for future research. Finally, two 
essays on the long-term impact of interment, from two 
very different angles (mental and political), round out 
the collection ver>' nicely. 

Although Mackey has created a strong anthology, a 
few suggestions might sharpen the work. Hirabayashi's 
call for multi-camp research is very sound. In dev- 
eloping future agendas (Mr. Mackey is currently 
working on a new anthology on Amache camp in 
Colorado), more emphasis should be placed on the 
comparative dimensions among WRA camps. For the 
book to be more useful as a classroom text, a brief 
introduction at the beginning of each section outlining 
themes and critical questions would be very helpful. 
Also general camp data on Heart Mountain (some of 
which appears throughout the text), such a s chronology, 
demographics, camp structures, and ke\ administrators, 
might become even more helpful gathered together in 
the appendixes. 

Jun Xing 
Colorado State University 

American Indians in the Marl<etplace: 
Persistence and Innovation Among the 
Menominees and Metlakatlans, 1870-1920. By 

Brian C. Hosmer. Lawrence: University Press of 
Kansas, 1999. xiv + 310 pp. Illustrations, maps, 
notes, bibliography, index. Cloth. $35. 

The media coverage about tribal casinos seems to 
assume that Indian entrepreneurship is novel and 
unusual. Some stories have even featured Indians who 
say that the pursuit of wealth is inconsistent with Indian 
traditions. Thus, it would probably surprise many 
people to learn that Indian business ventures are nothing 
new. According to Brian Hosmer, associate professor 
of history and adjunct professor of American Indian 
studies at the University of Wyoming, "the fact that 
some [Indians adapted to market forces] represents a 


Annals or Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal 

significant, if seldom studied, aspect" of Native 
Americas' history. Hosmer's book is a laudable effort 
to shed additional light on that aspect of history. 

The book focuses on two groups of Indians who had 
enterprising responses to the economic troubles that 
came with non-Indian domination. Menominee Indians, 
grouped on a timber-rich reservation in Wisconsin, took 
up logging and eventually operated a commercial 
sawmill. Meanwhile, some Tsimshian in British 
Columbia collected around Methodist missionary 
William Duncan, who encouraged them to strive for 
self-sufficiency through a variety of market-oriented 
undertakings. These Indians, Hosmer argues, under- 
stood that market capitalism encouraged conduct at odds 
with traditional values such as kin group solidarity. 
They accepted economic "modernization" anyway, not 
in capitulation to the non-Indian system but in hopes 
of preserving their tribal life and independence. 

In successive accounts, Hosmer shows clearly how 
the Menominee and the Metlakatlans did preserve tribal 
life, despite community members' increasingly 
"individualistic" economic pursuits and despite the 
consequent factionalism and stratification that strained 
tribal ties. Both groups regarded some resources as tribal 
and distributed the proceeds of those resources to all 
tribe members. They did not oppose economic 
development and private enterprise, but they valued 
tribal unity over personal profit. 

On the other hand, these are not accounts of long- 
term economic success. Although both groups enjoyed 
periods of relative prosperity, neither was able to create 
a self-perpetuating economy. For both tribes, 
"modernization" meant mainly the extraction and export 
of local natural resources. Both were dependent on 
outsiders for capital and were subject to the arbitrary 
and discriminatory power of colonial governments. In 
both communities, non-Indians assumed the manage- 
ment of key enterprises and were reluctant to relinquish 
control even after Indians learned the businesses. 

Hosmer presents the results of thorough research in 
lucid prose, although details threaten to obscure his 
argument in places. His analysis has weak spots. It is 
vague about the meanings of such key terms as 
"capitalism," "individualism," and "culture." For 
information about aboriginal economic culture, it 
necessarily depends on ethnographers who had different 
questions in mind. The result is some unclarity about 
changes in thinking that Indians made as they moved 
into the market system. 

Rather than supporting bold new theories, Hosmer's 
case studies illustrate and support points that other 
scholars have made. Nevertheless, this book accom- 

plishes something important and the points it illustrates 
deserve attention. It confirms that Indians of the nine- 
teenth century could perceive and react rationally to 
changing economic realities. It shows that "Indian 
cultures had and have the power, indeed the flexibility, 
to adapt to market capitalism, and in a way that stops 
short of outright disintegration or loss of a sense of 
cultural distinctiveness." As Hosmer says, Indians' own 
values have "'managed' change," and adaptation is an 
Indian value. This book is, thus, a useful antidote to 
Americans' (even scholars') tendency to equate change 
in Indian societies with a loss of Indian identity. 

Alexandra Harmon 
University of Wasliington 

Dakota: An Autobiography of a Cowman. By 

W.H. Hamilton. Pierre: South Dakota State His- 
torical Society, 1998. xxx + 173pp. Paper, $15.95. 

Early in 1884, 20-year-old William H. Hamilton left 
his boyhood home in West Virginia bound for the 
opportunities of the western frontier. Stopping first in 
Iowa and then in western Nebraska to raise some money 
by farm work, he traveled to Deadwood, Dakota Terri- 
tory in December of the same year and began his career 
as a homestead farmer in Butte County and later became 
a rancher in Harding County in the extreme north- 
western corner of what today is South Dakota. 
Seventeen years later, in 1901, he reluctantly sold out 
all his holdings in South Dakota and moved his family 
to Fulton, Missouri, so that his children could obtain a 
proper education. 

Some thirty years later Hamilton wrote this auto- 
biography about his fanning-ranching experiences in 
South Dakota. It first appeared in Volume 1 9 ( 1 93 8 ) of 
the South Dakota Historical Collections. At the 
suggestion of his granddaughter, Virginia Hamilton 
Baldwin, the South Dakota State Historical Society has 
republished it with the addition of some family photos, 
a map and a helpfiil introduction by Thomas D. Isem. 
As a result, we have access to a remarkable first-hand 
account about the evolution of agriculture on this far 
western Dakota frontier. It is a story about men and 
women struggling to make a living and a life in an 
environment of vast distances and isolation, prairie fires, 
gumbo, mosquitos, rattlesnakes, wolves and most of 
all, hostile weather. 

Within a few weeks of his arrival in the northern Black 
Hills, Hamilton became, as he put it, "a fiall Hedged 
fanner" when he bought a homestead claim for $150 

Spring! 20 00 

and rented a farm next to his uncle's. He planted crops 
and gradually developed a herd of cattle that he grazed 
on the public range. But as the public land was being 
"taken up," the cattle had to be moved further and 
further out. Finally, in 1 889 the family located a ranch 
site well beyond homesteaders on Jones Creek on the 
sough side of South Cave Hills. There they filed on a 
homestead, built a dugout, proceeded to fence their 
claim and developed a cattle ranch using the public 
range around them for hay and pasture. Hamilton spent 
the rest of his time in South Dakota going hack and 
forth between his farm near Belle Fourche and the ranch 
at Cave Hills. 

Hamilton's cattle ranching was generally successful 
due to careful management and a lot of hard work. 
Unlike the big cattle outfits that had wintered their cattle 
on the open range and were pretty much wiped out by 
the hard winter of 1886-87, Hamilton always put up 
prairie hay in the summer and moved his cattle off the 
open range and into fenced pasture during the winter. 
He also invested in good quality Hereford and Shorthorn 
stock. B> the end of the centun, \ homesteaders were 
encroaching on the open range around his ranch, and 
Hamilton decided it was time to give up ranching. In 
the years just before moving to Missouri, Hamilton 
developed a small but successful cattle and hog raising 
operation at his farm on the north side of the Belle 
Fourche River. 

There is much here about the environment and 
probably more words are given to describing the 
weather than any other topic. There was the isolation 
of long winters on the ranch, the gumbo that when wet 
would become impassible by wagon, horse or on foot 
and mosquitos that at times were nearly unbearable to 
both humans and horses. There were plenty of rattle- 
snakes, but a greater threat to cattle were wolves that 
took cows and especially calves in considerable number. 
When wolves proved too smart to eat poisoned bait, 
Hamilton brought in tracking hounds, greyhounds and 
elkhounds which pretty well eliminated that threat to 
cattle. But it is the weather that was the constant element 
of life on this frontier and few pages go by without his 
commenting on it and the challenges it presented to 
humans and animals alike. 

Those interested in getting not just an understanding 
but a feeling for what was like to be a farmer and rancher 
on the late 19th century far western Dakota ft-ontier 
will want to read this very readable autobiography. 

Gary D. Olson 
Augustana College, Sioux Falls, SD 


Doc Holliday: A Family Portrait. By Karen 
Holliday Tanner. Norman: University of Oklahoma 
Press, 1998. .v.v.v + 338 pp. Illustrations, maps, 
notes, bibliography, index. Cloth, $28.95. 

John Henry "Doc" Holliday is one of the great 
legendary figures of the Old West. Something about 
this emaciated, consumptive, alcoholic dentist from a 
southern aristocratic family caught (and still catches) 
the American imagination. In two particular!) graphic 
recent examples, Val Kilmer's and Dennis Quaid's 
portrayals of Holliday in Tombstone and Wyan Earp 
repeatedly threatened to overshadow other nominally 
more central aspects of those movies. 

Biographies of western legends are notoriously 
problematic. This is especiall\ true of Holliday. Like 
Billy the Kid. his legend transcends historical fact and 
detail. In both cases, because there was so little factual 
information available, myth-makers were unusualK free 
to use their imaginations. Even the most recent accounts 
about Holliday's life remain filled with errors and 
unsubstantiated speculation. 

Karen Tanner's Doc Holliday is a welcome exception. 
The primarv' significance of her book lies in its almost 
completely original description about Holliday's early 
life in Georgia. Tanner is a descendant of the Holliday 
family and had access to surprisingly detailed and 
informative family records and reminiscences about 
John Henry's pre-West years. Born in 1851, he 
overcame a life-threatening birth defect (a cleft palate) 
to live what was in many ways a fairh typical childhood 
in a moderately well-to-do southern family. After the 
Civil War he matriculated from dental school in 
Philadelphia and had begun practice in .Atlanta when 
he was diagnosed with tuberculosis (which had killed 
his mother when he was fifteen). In 1 873, at age 22, he 
left Atlanta for the drier, healthier climate of the Ameri- 
can West, added serious gambling to his increasingly 
intermittent dental practice, and entered western 

Holliday was involved in some of the most notorious 
incidents of western history, including, of course, the 
running feud in Tombstone that culminated in the 
mythic gunfight at the OK Corral. In a peripatetic 14 
years, he also appeared at man\ other famous hot spots 
of western history: Dallas, Fort Griffin, Denver, 
Cheyenne, Dodge City, Deadwood, Leadville and I as 
Vegas, New Mexico, to mention just a few^ examples. 
He became a personal friend of the Earp brothers, knew 
many gamblers, gunfighters and lawmen of western 
lore, and had a long term relationship with Mary 


Annals or Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal 

Katherine Harony, who as Katie Elder became a western 
legend in her own right. 

Tanner's book is less groundbreaking in dealing with 
this aspect of HoUiday's life, but even here she has 
some new information, and her research and judgments 
are thorough and solid. The overall effect of her work 
is to substantially demythologize the Holliday of legend. 
Time after time she finds previous accounts to be based 
on exaggeration, rumor, or complete fabrication. 
Holliday appears in a generally favorable light in 
Tanner's book. She occasionally writes like a loyal 
family member defending a famous ancestor. This is 
to some degree a necessary corrective to previously 
sensationalized accounts. Still, presented with a most 
likeable and innocuous character, one is left to wonder 
about the sources of HoUiday's pervasive reputation as 
a cruel, efficient, and cold-blooded killer. Can Tanner 
really have captured the whole story? 

Robert K. DeArment writes in the foreword that this 
book "will be considered the definitive Holliday 
biography and will supplant all previously published 
works on the man's life (x.x and jacket cover). I would 
not go that far. There are still too many mysteries, too 
many unexplained aspects about HoUiday's life and 
personality to think that we have arrived at the final 
word. But faced with an almost impenetrably tangled 
web of half-truth and invention, anyone interested in 
the legendary Old West should welcome Tanner's book. 
It is now the place to begin in understanding the 
extremely enigmatic legend of Doc Holliday. 

Kent Blaser 
Wayne State College 

Empowering the West: Electrical Politics Before 

FDR. By Jay Brigham. Lawrence: University Press 
of Kansas, 1998.. v// + 21 J pp. Tables, appen-dices, 
notes, index. Cloth, $35. 

Jay Brigham has a number of points to make in 
Empowering the West. First and foremost, he 
emphasizes that the question of public verses private 
power was a political - not a technological - one; that 
the issue was rooted in progressive-era antitrust and 
natural resources concerns; and that the issue was a 
live one at both the local and national levels during the 
1920s. He further argues that public power advocates 
never wanted to do away with private power, they just 
wanted a yardstick with which to measure the fairness 
of its costs. He also notes that many observers believed 
that electricity was essential to the good life and to 

economic development, and that its relative cheapness 
made public power the preferable means to those ends. 

If one doesn't know these things already, then he or 
she might find the book valuable, but most scholars 
with even a passing knowledge about the early twentieth 
century are well aware of the vitality of the private v. 
public power issue at both the state and national levels, 
and they are aware, as well, of several of the implica- 
tions of the issue which Brigham laboriously draws 

Still, there is something to be said for a familiar story 
well-told. Unfortunately, Brigham doesn't give us that, 
either. His discussion about the struggle between public 
and private power advocates takes on a simplistic, good 
guys V. bad guys coloration, as if George Norris, Gifford 
Pinchot, or some other self-appointed defenders of "the 
people" were whispering in his ear. His examination 
of the sources of Congressional support for public power 
demonstrates, through tedious statistical analysis, that 
elected representatives in a democracy generally reflect 
the attitudes and wishes of their constituents. And his 
discussion about the relationship between public power 
and electrical modernization is riven with dubious 
assumptions leading to more dubious conclusions. For 
example, he uses the presence of radios as an index of 
electrical modernization, ignoring such factors as 
population density and availability of broadcasters and 
failing to note that battery-operated radios needed no 
external source of electricity at all. Likewise, he 
assumes that declining appliance sales in the early 1 930s 
indicated low levels of modernization, when in fact it 
probably showed there was a depression going on. 

One very puzzling aspect of this book is why it is 
entitled Empowering the West. Much of it is about 
national issues, such as the development of holding 
companies in the public utilities field and the future of 
Muscle Shoals, which became the basis for the 
Tennessee Valley Authority. Even Brigham's examples 
of local power fights are drawn mainly form such places 
as Wisconsin and Missouri, hardly "western" from the 
perspective of Wyoming. 

Finally, two-thirds of the way through the book, 
Brigham gets to the west with chapters on public v. 
private power in Seattle and Los Angeles. Brigham does 
a nice job with these case studies, demonstrating how 
and why two very different cities, with very different 
power resources and needs, embraced public power as 
a means to material abundance and economic 

These chapters, from which one can learn a great deal 
about Seattle and Los Angeles, almost make Empower- 
ing the West worthwhile, but they are too little, too 

bprin g 


late. Most readers will find this book unenlightened, 
plodding, frequently wrongheaded, and gracelessly 
written to boot. In short, they will not find it worthy of 
their attention. 

David B. Danbom 
North Dakota State University 

Frontier Children. By Linda Peavy and Ursula 
Smith. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 
1999. 176 pp. Illustrations, notes, index. Cloth. 

Frontier Children, the most recent work by Linda 
Peavy and Ursula Smith, provides an overview about 
children on the American frontier between the 1 840s 
and the first decade of the 1900s. A strong focal point 
of this book is its visual and written images of children 
of various cultures - Native American, Hispanic, Asian, 
black, and white. At limes, the authors insightfully com- 
pare and contrast frontier children's experiences. They 
remind us that "migration was a given" for many Plains 
Indians but a historic event for settlers' children. They 
describe how youngsters often blurred the boundaries 
between work and play, and at the same time the 
authors make their own connections with children's play 
across cultures. For example, photographs in the text 
reveal that Native American girls played "house" and 
enjoyed their dolls just as girls from other cultures did. 

Frontier Children offers nearly 200 illustrations of 
nineteenth and early tw entieth century youngsters from 
diverse backgrounds. These visuals are a rich feature 
of this book. Peavy and Smith combed 61 repositories 
for photos, with the greatest number coming from 
Montana sites. The authors tell us that extensive 
photographs appeared in the last half of the nineteenth 
century. Only five percent of the pictures came from 
1 870 or before; the majority represent children between 
1880- and 1915. Almost one-third of the photos are 
not dated. 

Peavy and Smith observe that "historians have begun 
to reconstruct the stories of childhood in the West" (p. 
5) through diaries, letters, reminiscences, photos, and 
contemporary accounts describing children. But the 
authors do not define what they mean by "the West," 
"the American West," or "the American fi-ontier." They 
insert photos and stories about children from Iowa, 
Missouri, and the Dakotas as well as the western states 
and the Pacific coast. The term "trans-Mississippi 
West," which the authors also use in the text, more 
accurately reflects the book's contents. 

The text is not a scholarly work since it contains little 


original research from primary documents. Peavy and 
Smith often quote secondary sources that refer to 
primary accounts. Most of the primary sources from 
which the authors quote are published reminiscences. 

The text also contains a few inaccuracies. The authors 
state that the reference by Florence Weeks (p. 43) is a 
diary, when it is a reminiscence the pioneer child 
inserted within her mother's travel diary. 

Peavy and Smith also lack depth in Mormon history 
and culture. This was a weakness in Pioneer Women 
and continues to be so in this book. Most nineteenth 
century Mormons did not practice polygamy, yet that 
is the impression readers may get. The authors state 
that Mormon children "grew up in a theocracy, a world 
in which there were no secular activities" (p- 66}, yet 
they describe Mormon children singing, dancing (an 
activity banned by some religions of the day), and 
attending theater. 

The publishers of Frontier Children could ha\e made 
the inserted information more reader friendly (e.g.. see 
"The Trail of Tears." p. 16). Without a border around 
the page or other identifying features, the reader can 
become confused with the information that is separate 
from the regular text. 

In spite of these minor criticisms., this well-illustrated 
overview of children on American frontier should 
intrigue readers to delve into scholarly works and 
primary documents to learn more about nineteenth and 
early twentieth century youngsters who lived on the 
trans-Mississippi frontier. 

Rosemary G. Palmer 
Boise State liniversity 

The Invasion of Indian Country in the 
Twentieth Century: American Capitalism and 
Tribal Natural Resources. By Donald L. Fixico. 
Niwot: University of Colorado Press, 1998. xxiv 
+ 258 pp. Illustrations, maps, notes, appen-dices. 
bibliography, index. Cloth. $59.95: paper. $22.50. 

Capitalist America has repeatedly considered Indian 
land a source of cheap natural resources and has 
aggressively sought to harvest them. Pressured by cor- 
porations, politicians, and citizens eager to cash in, the 
Interior Department deliberately devised policies that 
assaulted Native American concepts of family, clan, 
society, and spirituality in order to leave Indians 
confused, off balance, and unable to develop protective 
strategies. Native Americans who spoke little or no 
English, for example, were left to confront slick lawyers 


Annals oi Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal 

and smooth-talking con men alone, without the support 
of tribal or clan leaders. Council authority eroded, and 
factions arose pitting pro-assimilation mixed bloods and 
whites against full bloods and other conservatives. 
Historian Donald L. Fixico, known for his insightfial 
research into federal Indian policy, accurately argues 
that capitalist interests have and continue to lust after 
Indian resources, and government policies remain the 
same. Perhaps even worse, unchecked exploitation 
currently threatens to destroy the entire globe. 

Part one of Invasion reveals through six well-written 
case studies how a century of corrupt, self-serving 
federal policy has impacted specific tribes and 
individuals. Lest some readers dismiss such tactics as 
products of the past, the final case study traces the 
continuing Lakota and Cheyenne struggle through 
Congress and federal courts to regain possession of their 
sacred Black Hills. A chilling study examines the 1 92 1 - 
1923 Osage reign of terror, during which seventeen 
people — most from a single family — were brutally 
murdered near Pawhuska, Oklahoma. A three-year 
federal investigation and numerous trials unraveled and 
convoluted plot to usurp Osage land allotments and oil 
rights. But more commonly, Fixico maintains, oil-rich 
Osages simply squandered wealth on expensive Pierce 
Arrows, diamonds, and other luxury items revealing a 
world view disrupted by outsiders and an inability to 
cope with white material culture. Although the author's 
argument is absolutely sound, one need not look too 
far to find men and women of all racial and ethnic 
groups destroyed by sudden wealth. Unfortunately, 
several of the case studies seem to reveal poor individual 
choices or factional in-fighting rather than the results 
of corrupt government policies, suggesting not that the 
contention is incorrect but that the causal connection is 
not always well drawn. 

Part two contains five chapters, which effectively 
explore various aspects of natural resource development 
on Indian land and how leaders have learned to use 
courts, organization, and environmental issues for their 
own ends. Fixico aptly notes, however, that developing 
protective strategies against exploitation has forced 
Indian leaders to adopt corporate tactics and embrace 
land-use assumptions that are by nature white, not 
Native American. 

Particularly noteworthy is a chapter on the Council 
of Energy Resource Tribes (CERT), an intra-tribal 
organization established in 1975. Despite federal inter- 
ference and some Indian opposition, CERT has 
successfully renegotiated coal, oil, uranium, and 
pipeline leases on reservations and allotments, provided 

technical and financial expertise, advocated energy- 
related careers for Native American youth, and initiated 
important environmental and conservation legislation. 
Ironically, CERT was once scorned by U.S. oil 
corporations as "Indian OPEC." 

Fixico correctly contends that despite the repeated 
assault on traditional values, many fundamental beliefs 
still survive and even offer alternatives to the unbridled 
exploitation that today threatens out planet. Overall, 
Invasion makes a thought-provoking contribution to 
the growing, but still comparatively small body of 
literature dealing with Native American natural 
resources. Given recent hearings on the BIA/Interior 
Department mismanagement of billions of dollars in 
Indian funds, it is also quite timely. This book is well 
suited for the college classroom, particularly courses 
in Native American or environmental history/studies. 

Kathleen P. Chamberlain 
Castleton State College 

William Henry Jackson: Framing the Frontier. 

By Douglas Waitley. Missoula: Mountain Press 
Publishing Company, 1998. vi + 218pp. Illustra- 
tions, notes, bibliography, index. Cloth, $36; 
paper, $22. 

William Henry Jackson is perhaps best known for 
his work during the survey of the American West led 
by geologist Ferdinand V. Hayden ft-om 1870 to 1890 
when Jackson photographed the scenery of the frontier, 
that nebulous territory on the western edge of the North 
American continent. His images, along with work 
competed during Jackson's solo expeditions, offered 
the viewing public the first glimpses of such rugged 
places as the Garden of the Gods near Colorado Springs, 
the Anasazi ruins of the southwestern United States, 
and the geysers of Yellowstone National Park. 

Jackson's work stirred the imaginations of Americans 
enraptured with the idea of westward expansion, as well 
as cautioned this same audience to tread carefully in 
the newly conquered land. While popularizing the 
scenic views of the West and ultimately encouraging 
expansion and tourism (for instance, one of his 
photographic commissions came ft-om the Union Pacific 
Commission in 1869, when he was charged with 
capturing images of the railroad's success), his 
photographs were also used as evidence in arguments 
made before Congress to preserve the pristine 
environment of the western landscape. 

s pring 


The basic facts and details surrounding the Hayden 
survey and Jackson's photography are well known and 
were recounted by Jackson himself in Time Exposure: 
The Autobiography of William Henry Jackson. How- 
ever, Jackson's adventures were so numerous and his 
photography so prolific that it would be difficult to 
exhaust the topic in even a dozen books. Historian 
Douglas Waitley offers the most recent consideration 
of Jackson's photographic explorations in William 
Henry Jackson: Framing the Frontier, a sound addition 
to the history of American photography. 

The title might suggest an analysis of Jackson's man- 
ipulation of the frontier via the lens and frame. 
However, Waitley does not dwell on the merits and 
uses of Jackson's photographs, but instead has produced 
a strong narrative peppered with excerpts from 
Jackson's journals to demonstrate the personality of a 
vital American explorer. Romantic notions of the wild, 
wild west are clearly evident in both Jackson's diary 
and photograph), and Waitley does an excellent job at 
preserving Jackson's enthusiasm for adventure, 
romance, and danger. 

in addition to being a photographer Jackson was an 
accomplished sketch artist and painter , claims that are 
clearly supported by the illustrations included in the 
book. Although Waitley spends little time theorizing 
about the formal structure and cultural impact of 
Jackson's photographs, he has included an abundance 
of photographs that demonstrate Jackson's photographic 
style. Also included for the reader's benefit are several 
maps showing the routes of exploration taken by 
Jackson. Even if the stories about Jackson's tenure as 
bullwhacker (he first went west as an experienced 
teamster) or his tenacity as a photographer (he once 
spent the night on a mountaintop with no food or 
blankets in order to photograph the Mount of the Holy 
Cross at sunrise) are not enough to hold the reader's 
attention, the photographs and sketches make this book 
well worth a good look. 

William Heniy Jackson: Framing the Frontier is a 
valuable tool for understanding the motivations behind 
Jackson's photography of the American West. Waitley 
has produced a well-written story of adventure and 
exploration, giving the reader the opportunity to 
experience the romance of the unknown as felt by one 
key player in the game of westward expansion. 

Susan Johnson-Roehr 
Indiana University 


Buffalo Bill: Myth and Reality. By Eric Sorg. 
Santa Fe: Ancient City Press, 1998. xlv + ] 19pp. 
Illustrations, notes, bibliographv. Cloth. $19.95; 
paper. $10.95. 

The histor>' of the American West has long followed 
two paths; those of academic historians and those of 
history buffs. Academic historians look for broad pat- 
terns by doing such things as studying the li\es of 
ordinary individuals, analyzing tax and land records, 
or reading old newspapers. Their interest in the West 
tends to follow traditional historical patterns including 
economic history, communit> history, social history, 
and biography. History buffs, on the other hand, tend 
to be more interested in the Old West and its heroes. 
They want to know ever\ thing there is to know about 
legendary figures like Wild Bill Hickock, George A. 
Custer, Belle Starr, and Wyatt Earp. History butTs some- 
times participate in historic re-creations and mock gun 
battles to get a better "feel " for the lives of their heroes. 
Eric Sorg's Buffalo Bill: Myth and Reality falls some- 
where between these two paths. 

Written primarily for the lay reader, Buffalo Bill: .Myth 
and Real it}- tries to show the history buff that there is 
more to the story of Buffalo Bill than the classic image 
so often portrayed in the Wild West shows, in movies, 
and on television. In that sense, the book serves well 
as a first entree for those readers looking to move 
beyond traditional popular histories and classic 
westerns. At the same time, academics well versed in 
interpretation, the New Western History, and 
deconstruction will find this book too basic for their 

Sorg's main argument, and the central organization 
of this book, is that there existed two Codys; Buffalo 
Bill, the myth, and William F. Cody, the reality. In the 
first half of the book, Sorg follows the creation of the 
myth of Buffalo Bill by examining the basic facts of 
his life, the origins of the Buffalo Bill dime novels and 
stage shows, the e\ olution of the Wild West show, and 
the treatment of Cody in popular books. Throughout 
this section, Sorg does a good job of placing the story 
into the basic historical contexts of Gilded Age Amer- 
ica, the literal} tradition of the frontier including 
Leatherstocking and Daniel Boone, and the .American 

The stronger, second half of the book, "The Reality: 
William F. Cody," examines Cody's famil\ life, 
business ventures, and day-to-day operations of the 
Wild West show during its heyday and decline. This 
section also focuses on the debate over three specific 


Annals of Wyoming: The Wyoming History Jou rnal 

often-mentioned criticisms of Cody: Buffalo Bill's 
relationship to Indians, his buffalo hunting, and his 
drinking. Sorg discusses the roots of Cody's troubled 
marriage and many of his failed business dealings. 
Another strong point of this section is his look at the 
everyday business life of the Wild West show. The 
author explains the great costs and profits made by the 
show as well as its troubled final days. In the section 
that analyzes Cody's historical critics, Sorg concludes 
that Buffalo Bill was a heroic character who did not 
exploit Indians, was not a drunkard, and did not single- 
handedly exterminate the buffalo. 

Buffalo Bill: Myth and Reality is one of those books 
that falls between traditional audiences. Although it 
presents a basic history about William F. Cody, its 
assumes that the reader already knows most of his life 
stories. At the same time, the book does not provide 
enough documentation or analysis for others to use it 
as a starting point for further work. The result is good 
basic history but not the evidence to support Sorg's 
claim that "Cody was an enlightened egalitarian who 
lived a classically tragic life." With those criticisms 
aside, I would recommend this book to the general 
reader of the American West wanting more than the 
usual good guys and bad guys story. 

Michael A. Amundson 
Northern Arizona University 

Many Wests: Place, Culture and Regional 
Identity. Edited by David M. Wrobel and Michael 
C. Steiner. Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 
1997. X + 370pp. Notes, authors' biographies, 
index. Cloth, $45; paper, $19.95. 

Since the emergence, a century or more ago, of the 
first academic histories about the American West, its 
"winning" and its development, the questions of what 
defines the West and whether it is one region or many 
have never been settled to general satisfaction. 
Progressive-era writers predicted the approaching 
disappearance of the West as a distinct entity within 
the larger national culture, paralleling such displays of 
precocious nostalgia as "wild west" shows, Owen 
Wister's western novels and James Eraser's elegiac 
bronze, "The End of the Trail." 

Those who believed that the days of the West as a 
distinctive region were numbered might today be 
surprised by the persistence of a regional identity - or, 
rather, several regional and subregional identities - 

which owe less to senses of loss or decline than to the 
forming influences of place, economy, ethnicity and 
aesthetics. In 1897, Frederick Jackson Turner posited 
the existence of not one but four "Wests" - the Prairie, 
the Rocky Mountain states, the Pacific Slope and the 
Southwest - and later termed sectionalism the inevitable 
sequel to the "frontier." The fourteen essays in Many 
Wests develop and refine this perception of diversity. 
They approach the American West as an assembly of 
locales and populations with discrete, distinctive self- 
definitions based on topography, economy, imagination 
and spirit. One might ask if the persistence of regional 
or sectional identity matters, given the increasingly 
cosmopolitan culture associated with the American 
West. These essays answer in the affirmative as they 
outline a baker's dozen of western cultures and 

Editors Wrobel and Steiner contribute a useful survey 
about the shifting tropes of regional interpretation, 
identifying two crucial questions: how are regions and 
subregions formed, and how is regional consciousness 
formed? Thirteen subsequent essays, ranging in length 
from fourteen to thirty-five pages, are thematicaliy 
arranged in four sections. The tlrst emphasizes 
environmental and economic matters, discussing 
transportation, extractive industries and tourism as 
shapers of the images of the Pacific Northwest, the Great 
Basin, the Rockies and the Northern Plains. The second 
section examines the construction of varied "Aesthetic" 
Wests. These essays consider such elements as 
Southern Plains houses, the lives and writings of three 
Montana women, as well as the literature of the Snake 
River country of southern Idaho as responses to and 
products of distinct regional settings. 

Essays in the third section discuss "Race and 
Identity." Under this rubric are examinations of 
northern California and its relationship with San 
Francisco, the genesis of the "Mission myth" of 
southern California (which romandcized the Spanish 
colonial life while conveniently omitting Mexican and 
Mexican-American traditions) and the development of 
topographically-associable and ethnically distinct 
subcultures in Texas. Many Wests's final section, 
"Extended Wests," looks toward Alaska and Hawaii, 
British Columbia and the transnational "enchanted 
lands" of the culturally muUilayered Southwest. Noting 
that both New Western historians and more traditional 
Tumerians have discussed the contrast between East 
and West and the debated boundary between the two, 
the editors assert that "it is difficult to imagine a more 
substantive marker . . . than the edge of a continent." 
(p. 276) What to do, then, with locales that lie north. 

Spring 2000 

south or west of the West as it has been customarily 
detlned? This section's essays add fresh ingredients to 
the western definitional mix. As befits a work charting 
regional definitional diversity. Many \Vest\ essays vary 
in scope and depth. Some are broad and inclusive, 
while others focus on smaller areas and cultural 
specificities. Several are distinctively personal in voice 
and structure. One sucn is Mar\' Murphy's look at the 
mylhos of "the last best place," suggesting the difficulty 
of finding stability in early Montana by examining the 
lives of three women: a novelist, a poet and a rodeo 
rider. In another. Paula Gunn Allen's musings on the 
cultural constructions of the Southwestern borderlands 
are informed by anecdotes of food, folklore and family. 
Other essays, such as Anne Hyde's compact analysis 
of the Rocky Mountains" extractive industries and 
Glenna Matthews's chapter on San Francisco and 
northern California's cultural relationship, rely less on 
personal narratives than on broader surveys of 
economics, demographics and environment. Several 
contributions are notable for their understated wit, 
particularly John Findiay's examination of the recent 
identification of salmon within the Pacific Northwest 
subregion. Far from being a folk tradition, Findlay 
suggests, the salmon is only one (though perhaps the 
most potent) of several iconic elements embraced by 
regional inhabitants in order to "naturalize" a synthetic 
regional identity. Salmon's historic status as an oft- 
overexploited extractive resource makes this choice an 
ironic one. 

Although the essays vary in tone and depth of 
documentation, they are generally infonnative, solidly 
researched and readable. The authors bear lightly the 
burden of scholarliness and readers are the beneficiaries. 
No bibliographies as such are appended, but most of 
the essays include extensive and useful notes. For those 
who seek a boarder understanding of the complex social 
structure of what can no longer be seriously described 
as "the" West, Many Wests is an up-to-date and highly 
accessible starting point. By summarizing recent 
scholarship and thinking on the region's constituent 
populations, it compliments other studies of western 
diversity such as Wyckoff and Dilsaver's The Mountain 
West and William Riebsame's Atlas of the New West. 
Provocative and engaging. Many Wests mirrors the 
complexity of its topic and will afford readers a 
heightened sense of what Elliott West has termed "a 
longer, grimmer but more interesting story." 

David Ware 
Bryan, Texas 


Museums and American Intellectual Life, 1876- 
1926. By Steven Conn. Chicago: University of 
Chicago Press, 1998. 315 pp. Illustrations, notes, 
index. Cloth. $32.50. 

The late nineteenth century ushered in an era of 
institution building in this country, during which large 
museums, such as the Field Museum, the Metropolitan 
Museum of Art. and the Smithsonian, were established. 
Universities were intellectually stagnant, but museums 
were seen as the logical place for the production and 
storage of knowledge. The twentieth century brought 
a shift in scholastic production. By the late 1920's 
museums were no longer thought of as contributing 
current scientific information or performing cutting 
edge research. Universities now became and remain 
the place where knowledge is developed. 

In his book Steven Conn examines this changing the 
role of the American museum from the Centennial of 
1876 to the Sesquicentennial of 1926. According to 
Conn, late nineteenth century Americans believed in 
the power of "the object." American's felt objects could 
tell stories when properly displayed in the correct 
context, free from distracting text. What bencr place 
to let the power of the object speak to the masses than 
the museum. Americans utilized this belief to support 
the building of museums across the country. 

Conn emphasizes the importance earh museum 
placed on object display and labels this notion as 
"object-based epistemology." He explains how late 
nineteenth century museums selected and exhibited the 
objects in their collection, how early museums 
constructed their epistemolog\ . and what the categories 
of knowledge meant for the fate of these museums fifty 
years after their birth. 

To accomplish his task. Conn takes the reader on a 
journey through the establishment of se\ eral of the 
country's most influential museums. Each chapter exa- 
mines early museums according to five subjects- natural 
history, anthropology, the commercial industr\'. histon,', 
and art. These subjects are taken from an essay written 
by George Brown Goode, a prominent museum 
professional of the period. As assistant secretary of 
the Smithsonian, Goode felt that museums should be 
separated into categories of knowledge in order for the 
objects to express their inherent and scholastic 
importance. Looking at the categories. Conn explains 
how each type of museum changed over time. As 
technology changed, know ledge could not be classified 
into a specific category as easily as before. 

Conn demonstrates that museum builders placed too 


Annals ot Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal 

much value on "object-based epistemology. Their over- 
confidence resulted in the decline in the importance of 
the American museums and coincided with a shift in 
knowledge production fi-om museums to universities. 
Museums soon found it difficult to keep up with 
advances in scientific research, which no longer 
emphasized a need for the actual "object." 

Conn's well-written account is a must read for the 
scholar interested in examining the history of the 
museum in this country. As Conn reminds us, the 
museum's role has always been in a state of flux. After 
reading his book, one can recognize the museum as a 
symbol both of prosperity and decline. As museums 
attempt to expand their importance in the next century, 
it will become necessary to examine their past role in 
society. Conn's book will aid in this examination. He 
writes with a grace that makes these past institutional 
struggles seem all the more relevant today. Not only is 
it an excellent contribution to the field of muscology, 
but it also gives the reader a look at the past and the 
future of the museum field. 

Amy Stroh 

Sweetwater County Historical Museum 

Green River, Wyoming 

Telling Western Stories: From Buffalo Bill to 
Larry McMurtry. By Richard Etulain. Albuquer- 
que: University of New Mexico Press, 1999. 224 
pp. Illustration, notes, index. Cloth, $35; paper, 

This essay collection is the latest from the prestigious 
Calvin Horn Lecture Series. Richard Etulain, a leading 
scholar of Western literature and culture, probes the 
evolution of western stories through fiction, movies, 
and historical writing. This compact overview selects 
some of the most popular authors and influential 
writings to chart the gradual shift from the "wild west" 
stories of the late nineteenth century to recent works 
which feature more complex themes and emphasize the 
West as a place instead of a frontier. 

Etulain selects about twenty subjects organized into 
four categories. The first chapter, "Creation Stories," 
describes the genesis of the frontier genre. Rooted in 
the imagery of Buffalo Bill's Wild West show and 
fueled by a bumper crop of potboiling dime novels, 
these early accounts established the themes of the 
frontier which endure today. They were long on action 
and featured stereotypical whi e heroes, viscous 
outlaws, and vulnerable women. These fictional themes 

were buttressed by the frontier thesis of Frederick 
Jackson Turner and his preoccupation with the 
settlement process and western exceptionalism. 

Most intriguing is the second chapter, "Untold 
Stories." Etulain provides examples of authors whose 
work contrasted sharply with the creation stories. He 
examines the novels of Mary Hallock Foote, the 
domestic life of Calamity Jane, the reminiscences of 
Geronimo, and the stories of Morning Dove. These 
accounts featured details of everyday western life and 
the painfiil effects that the settlement process brought 
to women and minorities. While they offered a richer 
and more complex view of the region in the nineteenth 
century, they remained largely unknown in their day 
and failed to deflect attention from the standard frontier- 
action dramas. 

In the third chapter, Etulain returns to the themes of 
the creation stories but follows them into the twentieth 
century. The towering influence of Owen Wister's Tlie 
Virginian established the pattern for future works. 
Walter Nobel Bums, John Ford, and John Wayne all 
contributed mightily to the popularity of the frontier- 
action genre in the mid-twentieth century, and Louis 

L'Amour became the most popular creator of western 
stories. Until the 1960s, these romantic tales reinforced 
the stereotypes of chiseled heroes and outlaws in a rough 
and tumble West. 

Finally, the fourth segment, "New Stories," charts 
the dramatic changes in western narratives over the last 
generation. Etulain cites Wallace Stegner's Angle of 
Repose, which he calls the best novel about the region, 
as the bellwether for a new form of western story. 
Loosely following the life Mary Hallock Foote, Angle 
of Repose explores the connections between the frontier 
West and the East as well as the continuities between 
the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. These themes 
have become important analytical tools for the latest 
generation of historians. The historical work of Patricia 
Nelson Limerick and the fiction of Leslie Mannon Silko 
further challenged the preoccupation with the frontier 
West. Finally, Larry McMuTXry' s Lonesome Dove used 
a standard frontier setting (a cattle drive) but the 
characters were rich, complex, and lacked clear moral 
distinctions between one another. It represents a new, 
"gray" western story, a term Etulain uses to denote a 
blending of the traditional and newer themes. The new 
stories also reflect a deeply flawed region and are far 
removed from the triumphant tone of the creation and 
traditional stories. 

These are engaging and elegantly written essays 
which provide a balanced assessment of the works under 
study and offer many subtle insights. For example, he 

Sp niu^ 2000 

offers a caution to writers of women's history of the 
West not to overlook the way nineteenth-century 
women such as Foote and Calamity Jane embodied 
feminine virtues and cherished their roles as mothers 
and wives. This is a judicious overview of western 
literature, and Etulain selects his samples well. This is 
recommended reading for anyone interested in the 
culture of the West and is accessible to a wide audience. 
It will likely send readers heading for the shelves for 
copies of Silko's Ceremony and Stegner's Angle of 

Richard D. Loosbrock 
Chadron State College 

The Roar and the Silence: A History of Virginia 
City and the Comstock Lode. By Ronald M. 
James. Reno: University of Nevada Press, 1998. 
xxiv + 355 pp. Illustrations, tables, notes, 
bibliography, index. Paper. $27.95. 

In his extensively-researched and abundantly- 
illustrated history of Virginia City and the Comstock 
Lode, Nevada's state historic preservation office Ronald 
James examines the whole history of the community, 
from its discovery in the i850s up to its present 
existence as an attraction for tourists and gamblers. 
James divides his work into twelve chapters. The tlrst 
three chapters deal with the district's physical setting, 
discovery, and development. The next two cover the 
district's ups and downs in the period from the mid- 
1860s to the great fire of October 26, 1875. In the 
following tlve chapters James considers topics such as 
labor issues and class differences, ethnic diversity, and 
the moral realms of "sinners" and "saints." James 
concludes this book with chapters examining the era 
of depression from 1 877 into the mid-twentieth century, 
and Virginia City's revival through tourism since World 
War II. 

One of the outstanding features of this study is its 
interdisciplinary approach. James draws from folklore 
and archeology to reveal some of Virginia City's secrets 
lost to the written word. He makes good use of those 
best friends of the nineteenth century urban historian, 
the Sanborn maps, and census data to discuss the 
composition and functions of Virginia City's 

James draws upon folklore in the form of oral 
histories, because he believes that Virginia City was 
and is a product of its location, of the people who 
founded, developed, and now preserve it, and of its 


own myths and legends. He effectively uses the 
archeology and physical history of the district as a check 
upon the excesses of its myths and legends, both oral 
and written. James could have used these non- 
traditional sources more assertively, as they can 
sometimes produce unique insights. It testifies not only 
to the wealth and importance of the Comstock but also 
to the efficacy of the new transcontinental railway 
system when archeology reveals that Comstock 
residents dined on Atlantic as well as Pacific ovsters. 
Each historical source has its strengths and weaknesses, 
but James usually does well blending them together to 
produce an alloy much stronger than its components. 

Several of the author's topical chapters fit patterns 
of contemporary scholarship which the reader will 
recognize. One chapter deals with labor relations and 
issues on the iiidustrial Comstock, another with 
questions of class. In still another we find "ethnicity 
celebrated," as well as race. Gender does not receive a 
separate chapter; women as a subject appear topically 
throughout the book. In his discussion about ethnicity, 
James examines various racial and ethnic groups, 
discussing their histories on the Comstock, lauding their 
accomplishments, and noting instances of ethnic 
confiict and coexistence. White people who did not 
immigrate are classified as "North Americans."" notable 
chiefiy for their intolerance. 

James divides the people of the Comstock into 
"sinners and saints" as a literary device to discuss the 
social life of the distinct. He believes that "the cliche 
of saints and sinners is integral to the m\1h of the West." 
but does not support his assertion. Sinners and saints 
is, of course, a false dichotomy, which the author all 
but acknowledges. It is hard to imagine any of their 
contemporaries including nineteenth century dentists 
among the saints. The chapter on "sinners" examines 
the traditional mining camp litany of crime and vice 
for fun and profit, while the "saints" chapter is 
something of a hodge-podge, covering everything from 
family life to medical practices to circus performances. 

Two of the book's best chapters are its concluding 
ones. It has been a practice, even when writing the 
history of those mining districts which ha\e sur\ ived, 
to cover the peri .id up to the end of the glory davs in 
great detail, then add a short coda to acknow ledge the 
district's often lengthy historx after the boom times. 
James pays considerable attention to both the depression 
era of the Comstock"s histor\ and to its more recent 
period of revival. He uses graphs effectiv el\ throughout 
the work but especially to examine demographic 
differences between Virginia City in bonanza and 


Annals ot Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal 

The author's final chapter about the district's 
conversion from mining metals to mining tourists raises 
some important points about the differences between 
history as a factual undertaking an history as a 
commodity - an amalgam of fact and myth. As one 
example, the popularity of the television show Bonanza 
in the 1960s and 1970s moved Comstock residents to 
transform the facades of their buildings to mimic those 
of television's mythical Virginia City. James is also 
conscious of the final irony of tourist-mining centers: 
many merchants and preservationists who now inhabit 
them find the idea of renewed mining abhorrent and 
potentially destructive to their newer, more reliable 
extractive industry. 

The Roar and the Silence does many things well, but 
it attempts to do too much. James tries to write both a 
chronological history of the district for a general 
audience and a more scholarly topical treatise. Readers 
new to the subject may be left with unanswered 
questions about some basics of Comstock history 
because even the chronological chapters skip around 
quite a bit. Specialists may find themselves visiting 
ground previously worked and also asking what larger 
questions the history of Virginia City and the Comstock 
might answer. That said. The Roar and the Silence is a 
superior work, and it is in many ways a model for the 
comprehensive examination of a mining community. 

Eric L. Clements 

Western Museum of Mining and Industry 

Colorado Springs, CO 

Yellowstone Place Names, Mirrors of History. 

By Aubrey L. Haines. Niwot: University Press of 
Colorado, 1996. 318 pp. Paper, $17.50. 

Aubrey Haines is considered to be the preeminent 
historian of Yellowstone National Park His Yellowstone 
Story, first published in 1977 and revised in 1996, is 
the most comprehensive history written about the first 
national park However, Yellowstone Place Names, 
Mirrors of History comes several years after the 
comprehensive publication Wonderland Nomenclature 
(1968) and eight years after Yellowstone Place Names 
( 1988), both by Lee Whittlesey. 

In the introduction, Haines discusses various 
individuals who were responsible for compiling the first 
inventories of the Park's features and their names. In 
1957, Haines was asked to review a place names 
manuscript by Dr. Max Bauer but nothing more was 

done with it. He concludes "With passage of more 
than three decades, a wealth of additional information 
has been accumulated and this - with the legacy of past 
efforts - is now presented in a form that should make 
Yellowstone's place names both usefitl and interesting." 
Haines makes no mention of the existence of 
Wonderland Nomenclature nor does he even cite it in 
his bibliography. This oversight is a major concern. 

The introduction also provides background on how 
names are applied to geographic features. With personal 
knowledge of how the naming of features in 
Yellowstone has worked and how names are applied 
today, I found this section convoluted and confiasing. 
Again, Whittlesey's publications provide a clearer 
explanadon of this process. 

As stated, the focus of this place names book is the 
"story content of the place names of Yellowstone." 
Haines goes on to say that an attempt to include all the 
places names "would result in a meaningless clutter." 
It bothers me that a historian would not see the 
importance of discussing all of the names in a region. 
His decision results in a weaker publication. 

Haines has selected what he considers to be the most 
significant names bestowed upon Yellowstone's 
features and discusses them in great detail. Each chapter 
covers names from a particular source: Native 
Americans, fur traders, prospectors, explorers, 
surveyors. National Park Service officials, 
concessionaires, and visitors. While such an 
arrangement works for a history book, it is not useful 
as a guidebook. Perhaps that was not the goal. There 
is a comprehensive index in the back of the book, but 
that requires flipping continually through the book when 
you are trying to find out about all the names in one 

While I found the history interesting, I did not find 
this work terribly useful. In looking up names of interest 
to me, there was little information provided, if the name 
was even listed. The book is also fraught with 
inconsistencies and either outright mistakes or 
typographical errors. For example, on page 89 Haines 
says there are three active names remaining with 
"devif'in them. Then on page 1 92, he says there are 
six. Which is it? Another example if from page 1 15. 
Here Haines states that "A.C. Hamilton built his new 
bathhouse in 1916." This is incorrect in two ways. 
First, it should be C.A. Hamilton, and second, the Henry 
Brothers built the bathhouse in 1914. 

This book is a disappointment. It will be useful to 
the tourist who spends a minimal amount of time in 
the Park. It is a pleasant read for someone who wants 

Sprin^^ 2000 

a broad overview of Yellowstone's history and does 
not want to read the two volumes of The Yellowstone 
Sforv. However, for the serious scholar studying 
Yellowstone, it is redundant, hard to use. and full of 

Tamsen Emerson Hert 
University of Wyoming 

You Are Respectfully Invited to Attend My 
Execution: Untold Stories of Men Legally 
Executed in Wyoming Territory. By Larry K. 
Brown. Glendo: High Plains Press, 1997. Illns.. 
bibliography. Cloth, $24.95: paper. $11.95 

Seven men "danced on the air" in legal executions 
while Wyoming was a territory (1868-1890). This 
books tells of their crimes, trials, and hangings. 

The first was John Boyer. Believing that two men 
had raped his mother and sister, he shot and killed them 
at a "hog ranch" (a whorehouse and tavern that also 
offered gambling) near Fort Laramie in October 1870. 
Women were on the Cheyenne jury which found him 
guilty, and he went to the gallows in 1873. William 
Kensler made his 1874 date with the Cheyenne 
hangman when he put a bullet into an amatory rival at 
the same hog ranch used by Boyer. A jury convicted 
John Donovan of the hammer murder of a barber in 
Rock Springs in May 1883. A scaffold in Rawlins 
claimed Donovan in January 1884. In 1884 George 
Cooke took his place as number four on the list after 
murdering his brother-in-law in Laramie. The hangman 
roped John Owens in Buffalo in 1884 two years after 
he hatcheted an elderly former employer. When Ben 
Carter bullied and killed a fellow cowpoke, he sealed 
the fate of two men and dropped through the trapdoor 
in Rawlins in 1888. The last story tells how George 
Black and an accomplice murdered a man of 60 and 
burned his body. Later, in the same building where 
George Cooke died. Black dropped into eternal 

This book is a valuable addition to Wyoming's 
historical record and will probably be definitive on its 

_ 47 

narrow topic. It accomplished the purpose set for on 
page xiv: to preserve the stories of the circum.stances 
of these seven executions. The chronological 
presentation is commendable, as is the "Sources Cited" 
section at the end of each chapter— except that an 
accurate title would have been "Sources Used." An 
introduction of 17 pages provides background and 
context. Bare facts on each case appear in an appendix. 
Appropriate photographs and drawings add to the 
book's appeal. 

Despite these positives, some errors and omissions 
are disappointing. Citations for every quotation in the 
introduction would have been better. Knowledgeable 
readers will be surprised that the "Jacksonian era of 
'President Andy"" began three years after he became 
President (p. xiv), and the federal court system is in 
Article II of the Constitution (p. xxii). Four different 
days, months, or years are cited for Ben Carter's 

While the book's aid is to be narrative rather than 
analytical, there are places v\here interpretive effort 
would make it better. For example. Brown might have 
tried to tell wh\ there was almost a ten-year gap betw een 
the two executions that occuned in or prior to 1 874 
and the five that occurred from 1 884 onward. 

Why is lynching defined in the introduction for the 
years 1832-1845 when its nature had largelv changed 
by the time Wyoming was a territory? By then, the 
mere corporal punishment aspect of lynching had faded 
and most people understood Ivnching to be deadly. 

Brown mentions (p. xiv) that about 34 people were 
lynched in Wyoming during 1882-1903 and compares 
that to the seven who were legally executed during 
1868-1890. A more valid comparison would involve 
the lynchings of only the latter era. National and state- 
by-state lynching statistics were not compiled prior to 
1882, which is perhaps why Brown began with that 

Nevertheless, the substantive content of this book is 
solid and interesting. Larrj Brown and the reading 
public might profit if he will next provide a book about 
lynching in Wyoming. 

Norton H. Moses 
Montana State University 

Wyoming Picture 

The Comet was launched at Green River on the Fourth of July, 1908. It was the third steamboat on Wyoming waters 
and the first on the Green River. Businessmen fi-om Green River. Wyo., and Linwood. Utah, organized the naviga- 
tion company that operated the Comet. On the first downriver trip on July 7. 1908. the boat occasionally hung up 
on the shallows in the river. Passengers had to help the crew free the boat. The Comet made several other trips on 
the river but the problems with the initial voyage recurred. The company reluctantly decided navigation on the 
Green River was impractical. The Comet was tied up at Green River, used only as an excursion boat on occasion in 
the general area of the town. Eventually, it was stripped and the hull sank into the river. Department of Parks and 
Cultural Resources Department photograph 

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Tne ^C^oming History Journal 
mmmer2000 I Vol. 72, No. 3 


£« * 

special Issue: 

Articles trom AHC Collections 

This special issue contains three articles by faculty members of the American Heritage 
Center, University of Wyoming. The research materials used in the preparation of these 
articles are held in the AHC collections. The work is showcased here to demonstrate 
both the wide variety of materials held at AHC and the versatility of the center 's ca- 
pable staff Our thanks to Rick Ewig. acting director, and archivists Ginny Kilander 
and D. C. Thompson for their contributions to this issue. Also thanks to Carol Bowers, 
head of the reference department, photographic archivist Dan Davis and his successor. 
Leslie Shores, and photo technician Rick Walters for their assistance. — The Editor 

The Cover; 

"Second Street, Casper" 

c. 1915 

The postcard on the cover is from the Dr. Grace Raymond Hebard 
collection. University of Wyoming. It is one of eight postcards in a 
folio apparently purchased by Hebard at the time of her 1915 his- 
torical site marking tour, described in this issue. Other postcards 
in the set include one of the Midwest Building; the Chicago, 
Burlington and Ouincy Railroad depot: "Gateway to the Oil 
Fields, ": the Federal building: the Natrona Count}' Court House: 
the "Chicago and Northwestern Depot and the Monument" (pic- 
tured on page 14): and the Masonic Temple. 

The editor of Annals of Wyoming welcomes manuscripts and photographs on every aspect of the history of Wyoming and the West. 
Appropriate for submission are unpublished, research-based articles which provide new information or which offer new interpretations 
of historical events. First-person accounts based on personal experience or recollections of events will be considered for use in the 
"Wyoming Memories" section. Historic photo essa> s for possible publication in "Wyoming Memories" also are welcome. Articles are 
reviewed and rcfereed by members of the joumal's Editorial Advisor) Board and others. Decisions regarding publication are made by 
the editor Manuscripts (along with suggestions for illustrations or photographs) should be submitted on computer diskettes in a format 
created bs one of the widely-used word processing programs along with two printed copies. Submissions and queries should be ad- 
dressed to Editor, .Annals of Wyoming. P. O. Box 4256. University Station, Laramie WY 82071. 


Pkil RoLerts 

Book Review Editor 

Carl HdllLer^ 

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Wv'orriing' State Historical Society 
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Printed by Pioneer Printing, Cheyenne 

nals of 


The Wyoming History Journal 

Summer 2000 Vol. 72, No. 3 

Axnalia and Annie: 

Women's Opporttmities in Cnevenne in tne 187()s 

Bv D. Claudia Tnompson 2 

Journal oi Trip in Wyoming Tollowing' and Marking trails 

Bv Dr. Grace Raymond Heoard, edited Dy Rick Ewig 10 

A Har\'ard Cook in ttie Wyoming Badlands: i\| m*» ' 
Tlie Diarv of Alcott Farrar Elwell nl pC^ff ^' 

ny Lnnny Kilander ■, ».^,i-rrrrr7 to 


Wyoming Memories 
Circle Up Four 

Bv Marv E. Xeilsen : "..'.^ 



Book Reviews \ _ _^— -— -'^' 

Edited ty Carl HallLerg .'.T.'.'...? 28 

I pKill Aja.nsl \X;,1,t; iKe Greal DatoU W'atCT War, By Peter Carrels. ReneiccJ ki, Uanw] M. Dar;s 
Yellowilone and tne Great West: journals. Letters ana Irna^e* Iron) tne 1871 Ilayden hxpedition. Halted bv 

Marlene DeaKl Memll Recced t„ LcnJJ ( jUt 
A DispatcK to Coster The Tragedv of lieutenant Kidder H> Kaiulv lolinson and \anev I' Allan kW.crcJ U 

Sla.y W: Reaves 
The National Congfress of American Indians I'lie Founiliiie Years l!y Thomas Vi Cout'er. foeieieeJ k, 

ClijJorJr. Coppersmltl, 
Men «ntK Sand: Great Explorers of tKe North Amencaii West Hy |oliii Monng Kcncn-eJ hi Julic,„ne (V,.u.-/i 
Charlie Russell Roundup lissavs on Ainerieas Favorite Cohov Artist lidited hv Brian W.Dippie W. ici.v J 

(.„ K.,^ Ijcr 
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wvoming Picture Inside Back; Lover 

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Copyright 2000, Wyoming State Historical Society 

ISSN: 1086-7368 

Amalia and Annie: 

Women's Opportunities in Cheyenne in the 1870s 

By D. Claudia Thompson 

Amalia D. Post 

Wyoming State Archives, 
Department of Parks and 
Cultural Resources 

In the spring of 1 870 Amalia Post wrote a letter to her sister in Michigan describ- 
ing her life in Cheyenne, Wyoming. After lamenting her own poor health and detail- 
ing the family news, she concluded: "I suppose you are aware that Women [sic] can 
hold any office in this territory[.] I was put on the Grand Jury. I am intending to vote 
this next election [which] makes Mr[.] Post very indignant as he thinks a Woman 
has no rights."' 

• 2000 

It seems likely that Amalia overstated her husband's 
objections, or at least that the couple agreed civilly 
to disagree, for the marriage lasted until Amalia's death 
in 1897, and Amalia remained an active Republican 
throughout that time, while Morton E. Post was a staunch 
Democrat.- Amalia's letter, however, reflects the long 
road from innocence to bitterness which her life had taken 
and the pleasure she took in the power which the cir- 
cumstance of her residence in W\'oming Teiritory gave 

Annie Kilboume, Amalia's niece, who came to live 
with her aunt in Cheyenne in 1 873, reflected a different 
view of a woman's life in Wyoming in the 1 870s. Annie 
was young and pretty and a little spoiled. In Cheyenne 
she had her choice of several young men w ho pursued 
her, yet she chose to marry one who "[did] not beliexe 
that a woman ought to be bothered with her husband[']s 
business."' Both Amalia and Annie perceived promise 
and opportunity in Cheyenne, but of very different kinds. 

It has been debated in women's studies and recent 
Western history whether or not the experience of West- 
em women gave them, or led them to desire or e.xpect, 
expanded opportunities and roles in society."' It is not 
the purpose of this article to engage in this broader de- 
bate. The purpose of this article is mereK to examine 
the attitudes of two women who lived in the West and 
whose personal letters survive to give some insight into 
their thoughts. 

Amalia Barney Simons was bom January 30, 1826, 
in Johnson, Vermont. The family later moved to 
Michigan, and Amalia married W. T. Nichols of Lex- 
ington, Michigan, in 1855." By 1858 the couple lived in 
Nebraska Territory, and there, in September, 1858, 
Amalia's only child, a daughter, was bom." This child's 
death a little over a year later desolated the mother, caus- 
ing her, not unusually, to seek solace in the consolations 
of the church." In the spring of 1860 Walker Nichols left 
his wife in Omaha, apparently for a short business trip. 
"[H]ow much I do want to see him..[.]" Amalia wrote. 
"[Y]ou do not know how much I think of him since the 
death of the baby...[W]e think more of each other than 
we did."** Amalia fretted, but she remained w ithout news 
of her husband until, seven weeks later, she leamed his 
whereabouts from a traveler returning from Denver. 
"Walker has gone to the mines,"" she wrote distress- 
ftilly. "I did not know that he was going.. .[H]e left me 
without any money all alone among strangers. ..but I 
suppose that he has done what he thought best[.]""' 

Nichols occasionally sent money back to Omaha, but 
Amalia apparently survived that winter b\' borrowing 
money from her father to enable her to retum to the family 

in Michigan.'' In Max or June of 1861 she traveled to 
Den\ er to be reunited w ith her husband. Den\ er, in the 
newly-formed Colorado Territory, was only a little over 
two years old, but it had "fi\e or six large Hotels[,] very 
large stores & some beautiful dwelling houses[.] Ladies 
in the Street dressed like Ladies in Chicago." In spite of 
this urban sophistication, Amalia was not very pleased 
with her new home. Some of the well-dressed ladies, it 
turned out, were former acquaintances of whom she did 
not approve, and the general moral tone offended her 
sense of respectability. ""[1] don["]t know who is mar- 
ried nor who is not[,]" she complained. "[T] here is no 
such thing as chastity[.]" Her reunion with Walker, how- 
ever, was a happy one. He ""was beside himself with joy 
to see me [and] says [we] never shall be separated 
again[,]"'- she assured her sister. 

The details of what happened next are obscure. If 
Amalia ever wrote down the specifics, the letters have 
been lost. In April of 1862 she wrote to reassure her 
family that rumors of trouble in her marriage, which 
had reached Michigan, were untrue.'-' A year later she 
wrote an unusually cheerful letter detailing her lucrative 
business ventures in monev-lending, chicken-raising, and 
livestock speculation: the latter in partnership with a man 
who '"has always boarded with us [and] has been just 
like a Brother to me through all of my trouble," and 
added. ""Don[']t tell any person anything about my af- 
fairs."'"" Finallv. in September, Amalia wrote that she 
wished to sell out and come home, but, she admitted. 

' Amalia to sister, April 4, 1870, Morton E. Post Family Papers. 
1851-1^00, .Accession No. 1362, .American Heritage Center. Uni- 
\ersity of W yoming, hereafter cited as Post FamiK Papers. 

-Cora Beach. Women of lV}t>miiig (Casper; S. E, Bo\er & Co.. 
1927), 172. 

.A, I. P. to Annie. January 2. 1879, Post Family Papers. 

' Sandra L. Myres, IVesteriiig Women and the Frontier Experi- 
ence 1S00-I9J5 (.Albuquerque: L'niversity of New Me.xico Press, 
1982), 238-270. 

'Beach. 170-171. 

"Amalia to Ann. Ma\ 1S.^[9]]. July 8 [1859], Post FamiK Pa- 

\Amalia to Sister .Ann, Fehruar\ 19. 1869, Post FamiK Papers. 

".A.B. Nichols to sister. March 4. I860. Post Family Papers. 

"This has reference to the gold rush excitement along Cherry 
Creek and into the Front Range of the Colorado Rockies, which 
was at its peak in 1 860. See Stanley W. Zamonski and Tedd\ Keller, 
The '59er's: Roaring Denver in the Gold Rush Days (Frederick, 
Colo.: Platte 'N Press, 1983). 

'".Amalia to Ann. April 8, 1860. Post Family Papers. 

'' .Amalia to father, June 14. 1860. Post Famil> Papers. 

'-.Amalia to sister .Ann. June 14?. 1861. Post Family Papers. 

"Amalia to sister .Ann, April 13. 1862. Post FamiK Papers. 

'""Amalia to father. .April 20, 1863, Post Family Papers. 

Annals oi Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal 

I hate to have them know that Walker & I are sep- 
arated... The death of friends is nothing compared to 
change of feelings, deceit, treachery where you loved & 
trusted, & that one a husband,. ..disgrace[,] abuse[,] all 
sorts of meannesses[,] living with another when you was 
living with him[,] steal[ing] your clothes for a Strum- 
pet. [T]hink 1 ha\e been called to pass through all of 
this[,]...thmk how he treated me, the one he had sworn 
to lo\e & cherish abo\e all others[.]'- 

Shame, or a new-found sense of independence, kept 
Amalia in Colorado. In October, 1864, she married 
Morton E. Post, a Denver acquaintance fourteen years 
her junior.'" "Gentlemen here marry women ten or twelve 
years older[.]" she told her sister. "["Tlis just as com- 
mon as the other way.'"'" 

Economic constraints and Post's involvement in a 
freighting business kept the couple apart much of the 
time, which unquestionably put a strain upon the mar- 
riage. Nor did Amalia wish to make a permanent home 
in Denver."* In the summer of 1867 Morton Post re- 
located to yet another brand new town: Cheyenne, Wyo- 
ming. He began building a store in partnership with 
George Manning and made plans for Amalia, who was 
visiting in the east, to join him again;'"* but the building 
went slowly, society in Cheyenne was "very rough," and 
money w as unusually tight.-" The reunion was put off to 
the following year. By summer, Morton was so discour- 
aged with the country and the state of his business that 
he wrote longingly of selling out, but Amalia was deter- 
mined to end their separation. She demanded money for 
her expenses, got on the train, and arrived in Cheyenne 
sometime in July of 1868.-' 

There is no proof that the existence of female suffrage 
in Wyoming influenced Amalia Post's decision to settle 
in Cheyenne; but certainly if she had not wished to make 
her home in a rough new town "about like Denver in '59 
and 60,'"-- she need not have. Morton was quite willing 
to go east again. Amalia, however, settled down firmly 
in Cheyenne, took an active interest in politics and 
women's rights, and achieved a degree of financial suc- 
cess sufficient to allow her to send money home to sup- 
port her father and sister.-' In a brief letter, undated but 
probably written in March of 1871, Amalia expanded 
on her experiences as one of the first women ever to 
serve on a jury: 

I was Foreman of the Jury, & the man was condemed 
[sic] & sentenced to be hung[. W]e found him guilty of 
murder m the first degree as found in indictment[. H]e is 
to be hung on the 21(?) of April[.] I as foreman had to 
reply in ans[wer] to the judge ["A]re you all agreed?[" 
"W]e are[."] & hand in my report. There is no fun in 

sitting on a jury where there is ]sic) murder cases to be 
tried[. T]his one that is to be hung killed two[.]-^ 

The condemned man was John Boyer, and the trial 
began on March 21, 1871. Five other women, "wives of 
some of the leading citizens of Cheyenne," served on 
the same jury.-' 

Amalia had become extremely active in the cause of 
women's suffrage. In January she traveled to Washing- 
ton, D.C., to represent Wyoming at the National Woman 
Suffrage Convention, where she addressed an audience 
of more than 5,000 people, including Victoria WoodhuII 
and Susan B. Anthony.-" "I was made more of than any 
other Lady in convention," she boasted. "Mrs Beech 
Hooker offered to pay all my expenses if I would stay 
another week to besiege congress. I refused to do so... I 
received calls from the first people in the United States."-' 
Amalia is also credited with making a successfiil per- 
sonal appeal to Governor Campbell to veto the bill to 
repeal women's suffrage, which was introduced in the 
second Wyoming Territorial Legislature, and with work- 
ing to secure the votes necessary to prevent passage of 
the bill over the governor's veto.-*' 

By 1 872 Amalia Post was settled into a life of com- 
fort and reasonable contentment in Cheyenne, although 
she still looked forward to occasional visits with her fam- 
ily in Michigan. "I am coming home in the fall, soon as 
our election is over," she assured her sister. "We expect 
a pretty lively time here[.] Post is as good as can be 
possible[,] never speaks a cross word[. G]ot my house 
fixed over[,] everything nice & some beautiful plants in 

"Amalia to Sister Ann, September 5, 1863, Post Family Papers. 

'"Beach, 171; Virginia ColeTrenholm (ed.), Wyoming Blue Book, 
Volume J (Cheyenne: Wyoming State Archives and Historical 
Department, 1974), 286. 

'"Amalia to Sister Ann, April 13, 1862, Post Family Papers. 

'* Amalia to Sister Ann, May 28, 1866; Amalia to sister, August 
23, 1866, Post Family Papers. 

"Morton E. Post to wife, August 4, 1867. 

-"Morton to wife. September 14, 1867; unsigned to wife (in- 
complete), October 30, 1867; Morton to wife, November 1, 1867, 
Post Family Papers. 

-' M.E. Post to Amalia, June 1 8, 1 868; M.E. Post to wife, July 5, 
1868, Post Family Papers. 

--Unsigned to wife (incomplete), October 30, 1867, Post Family 

-^Amalia to sister, April 4, 1870, Post Family Papers. 

-■' Amalia to sister, undated. Post Family Papers. 

-^ Cheyenne Dally Leader, March 21, 1871; Beach, 172. 

-"Beach, 172; Cheyenne Daily Leader, January 10, 1871. 

-"Unsigned (incomplete) to sister, February 4, 1871, Post Fam- 
ily Papers. 

=» Beach, 172. 

-'Amalia to sister, June 14, 1872, Post Family Papers. 

• 2000 

Down/own Chevenne. /a- -> 

The sister to whom so many of Amaha's letters were 
addressed was Ann Pettibone Simons, born November 
3, 1 828. Ann married Dr. George Kilboume of Montpe- 
Her, Vermont, on June 22, 1851. Dr. Kilboume died in 
April of 1856, and two months later Ann ga\e birth to a 
daughter, Annie. Annie and her mother made their home 
with Ann's and Amalia's father William Simons in Lex- 
ington, Michigan, through most of Annie's childhood. 
A third sister, Celestia, married Dr. G. J. Parker, also 
had a daughter. Birdie, and lived in Port Huron, Michi- 

The death of Amalia's only child apparently caused 
her to turn her maternal affections toward her nieces and 
especially toward her widowed sister's daughter. Her 
letters are full of concern for .Annie's progress, and she 
had been sending money to ,A.nn since at least 1 866 to 
pay for Annie's piano lessons.'' In 1873 Annie 
Kilboume, seventeen years old, lively, flirtatious, and 
determined to have a good time, came to live with her 
aunt and uncle in Cheyenne. 

I enjoyed the Journey e\ er so much, I ha\ e become ac- 
quainted with quite a number since [I] came. I get intro- 
duced to so many 1 can't remember tiieni the next time I 
see them. ..The Legislature is in session now ; they had a 
reception at its commencement. I don't know whether 
they will have a ball or not at its close. ..[T]he country 
seems strange to me, rather desolate|.| 1 think. '- 

By the mid-seventies the Posts were well established 
in the top echelon of Cheyenne society. Morton Post 
was a Laramie Countv Commissioner and a leading 

banker and businessman. The business block which he 
had built at the comer of 1 7"' and Ferguson ( later Carey 
Avenue) housed the Wyoming Territorial Legislative 
Assembly in 1 875, and Post was a member of the Legis- 
lative Council in 1878.'"' There were too few young un- 
married women in Che>enne for the number of single 
men in any case, and Annie's connections made her a 
particularly attractive match. 'T have had plenty of at- 
tention since [I] have been here," she admitted. "Judge 
Carey has been here several times. He thinks I am a very 
nice Musician for m\ age. ..Auntie has refused e\erv 
person that wanted to go with me except Carey. ..[M]ost 
every person has called on me."'^ 

According to Amalia, it was Morton who was putting 
forward the match with Care\ . "There is to be a Ball for 
the members of the Legislature," she wrote. ".Annie is 
engaged to go with Carey. ..Post is good to her but tnakes 
a fuss [if] she has beaux[.] all with the exception of 

Their choice was understandable. Joseph M. Carey was 
28 years old. President Grant had appointed him United 
States Attome\ for Wyoming. Later, he was an .Associ- 
ate Justice of the Wyoming Supreme Court. Still later, 
he would be both Wyoming's first United States Sena- 
tor and, in 1010, govemor.'" .Annie's attitude, however, 

'■"Beach, 170-171. 

''Amalia to sister. August 23. 1866. Post Family Papers. 

-'-Annie to mother, November 1 1, 1873, Post Famih Papers. 

" Trenholm, 1 50. 286. 

'■■Annie to mother, November 28, 1873, Post Family Papers. 

'■"Amalia to Sister, December S. 1873, Post FamiK Papers. 

'"Trenholm. 11, 463. 

Annals oi Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal 

Joseph M. Carey 

was less than ecstatic. "I think he is the nicest young 
man in this town," she admitted, "but that is not saying 
much[,] is it?"" 

Annie attended "calico balls," masquerades, and prayer 
meetings. She went riding, she went driving, and she 
danced. In between times, she gave music lessons and 
played for the Presbyterian church. When she was at 
home, she played cards or wrote letters. She lavished a 
good deal of time and thought on her clothes, and she 
cheerfully urged her mother to join her in Cheyenne so 
that she could share both the clothes and the beaux. ^* 

Annie was so popular that she could afford to be ex- 
clusive and, apparently, she sometimes took advantage 
of the privilege. Amelia wrote: 

[S]he attended a surprise party last evening, I urged her 
to go. the young Ladies seemed to have the impres- 
sion that she did not think they were quite the thing[. 
S]he says this morning she will not go to any more of 

Throughout the spring and summer, Annie continued 
to keep her mother posted on what she was wearing (a 
new Japanese cloth suit and a ready made linen suit) 
and who she was seeing: "Mr Rogers. getting to be 
my stand-by," "Judge Carey took me out riding," "I went 
up [to] the Fort with Mr Coakley." Occasionally, she 

even permitted herself to become conceited. "I have more 
beaus and attention paid me then [sic] any other girl 

Amalia went East to visit in the fall and winter, but 
Annie remained in Cheyenne. The social pace was as 
frantic as ever and rumors were beginning to circulate. 
"Judge Car[e]y said the other night 'That he heard that 
he was engaged to me,'" Annie wrote. "I asked him if 
that was the reason he had not called for so long a time? 
hearing of his engagement had frightened him."'" The 
Carey match was apparently not likely to prosper in this 
atmosphere, but Annie had many other invitations: 

Gov. Campbell and Mrs Campbell invited me up there 
to stay a week or so, and I accepted the invitation and 
am staying up there now. ..I have attended three parties 
since Auntie went away; the first. ..I attended with Mr 
Rogers, the second with Mr Parshal[l], the third I had an 
invitation from Mr Coakley, which I very politely de- 
clined, telling him that, 'Owing to circumstances over 
which I had no control, I cared never to accept his com- 
pany again '...You should see your daughter now, she is 
getting to be quite a Belle . "•*- 

It is not clear what Mr. Coakley's sin was, but h was 
apparently forgivable, for Annie accepted his escort 
again, after she "made him agree to a few things." She 
was becoming philosophical about her many admirers. 
She informed her mother: 

I have a great deal of company, but I believe those girls 
that have the most attention paid them, get so they are 
little inclined to flirt, and do not marry as soon as those 
that do not have much attention paid them, but go with 
one gentleman and end by marr[y]ing him, while us poor 
girls are flirting still. ■*- 

In the summer of 1 875 it was Annie's turn to go home 
for a visit. She was anxious to get away. "I have had 
three offers of Marriage in the last two or three weeks," 
she complained. "I want to get home as I am bothered to 
death with the gentlemen."'*'* 

"Annie to mother, January 19, 1874, Post Family Papers. 


"Amaiia to sister, February 4, 1874, Post Family Papers. 

■'"Annie to mother. May 3, 1874 and June 14, 1874, Post Family 

■"Annie Kilbourne to mother, October 24, 1874, Post Family 

^-Annie Kilbourne to mother, December 2, 1874, Post Family 

■"^Annie to Mother, March 10, 1875, Post Family Papers. 

"Annie to Mama, June 6, 1875, Post Family Papers. 

Summer 2000 

Annie Kilbourne did not return to C'he\enne until 
nearK the end of the year. While she was in 
Michigan, she corresponded with several young men in 
Cheyenne, but one of them now took precedence over 
the others. At some time betw een her return in Decem- 
ber and February of 1 876 she reached an understanding, 
which she insisted should be kept secret, with .Adrian .1. 
Parshall. Parshall, like Annie, came originalh from 
Michigan. He was bom in Ann Arbor in 1 849 and gradu- 
ated from the State University of Michigan after a course 
in civil engineering. In Cheyenne he worked as a drafts- 
man in the office of the United States sur\ e\or general. 
After becoming engaged to Annie, he mo\'ed to Custer 
City in the Black Hills of Dakota Territory to establish 
himself economically."*^ 

Amalia apparentl_\ did not approve of Parshall. which 
may have had something to do with the secrec\ of the 
engagement and must ha\e had something to do with 
the deterioration of relations between aunt and niece. 
Birdie Parker. Annie"s cousin, had also come to li\e 
with the Posts that year. Amalia complained that Annie 
no longer shared new s from home w ith her. "1 hear some- 
times through Birdie." she admitted.^" .Annie asserted 
that "Auntie has not treated me nearly as well this 
time...[I]f it was not warm weather 1 would start home 
now[,] she is so ugly.""" 

The reason that Annie would no longer share her 
mother's letters with her aunt was that .Ann knew of the 
engagement. .Annie wrote: 

I suppose Mr Parshall must be making something, as it 
is such a countr> to make money in. [H]e will be down 
before 1 go home and then we will talk over matters and 
see when we will be married. I would like to he in a year 
or so, when I was 22 would be a good age. .iudge Car[e]y 
has just returned from the[d] then there is a new 
young lady come to town[,] Miss Davids [David]. ..& 
Mr Gervais[,] a new arrival in town. ..has taken quite a 
fancy to me, has asked me to get ice cream... but I have 
refused him so far as he is a stranger." 

Annie made no such objections to the attentions of 
the young men she had known the prev ious year. She 
visited in their homes and accepted expensive birthdav 
presents from them."*" Parshall hinted that this treatment 
of him "seemed more like flirtation than true affection." 
but assured her that she was "my "beau ideal' of charac- 
ter and discrimination, and one whom I have 
placed. ..high amongst my list of lady acquaintances, as 
the embryo[sic] of a true lady.""" 

In the fall Parshall came to Cheyenne and escorted 
Annie part of the way home to Michigan. He urged .Annie 
again not to accept too much attention from her other 

admirers. "I know you will do right about the matter, 
and 1 shan[']t get angry or jealous anv more," he told 
her. "I think I had better tell Mrs P. that we are engaged 
[. S]he may be pleased with me if I show her that much 
confidence. I shall tell no one else until you say I can.'"' 
Parshall did talk to .Amalia. He wrote: 

I called on Mrs Post in the evening. I told her of our 
engagement and though she seemed to feel a little bad, 
seemed satisfied as well, and talked ver\ fairly with me, 
said that as vou had shown you cared for me. ..she would 
no longer use any objections. ..and said she wanted 1 
should like her. I assured her I had never disliked her. 
that anv ohjections she had used against me I consid- 
ered was for your good.'- 

*" l.S. Bartlett, History of Wyoming. Vohime 111 (Chicago: S. J. 
Clarke Publishing Co.. 1918). 201-202: .Adrian to .Annie. Februarv 
13. 1876. Post Famil\ Papers 

"'Amalia to father. March 2Q. 1876. Post Famih Papers. 

- .Annie to mother, .lune 24. 1876. Post FamiK Papers. 

".Annie to "Mamma," July 17. 1876. Post FamiK Papers. 

""", Annie to mother. June 24. 1876. Post FamiK Papers. 

''.A.J-P. to .Annie. .Iul\ 29. 1876. Post Family Papers. 

'' .A.J. Parshall to .Annie. December 14, 1876, Post Family Pa- 

-,A.J. Parshall to Annie. December 16. 1876. Post FamiK Pa- 


Adrian J. Parshall 

Annals of Wyoming; The Wyoming History Journal 

Annie did not return to Cheyenne the next year. 
Birdie, however, continued to make her home with 
the Posts, and she kept her cousin apprised of events in 
the territor\ : Judge Carey had begun a courtship of Miss 
Da\id (they were married later that year), an acquain- 
tance recenth married could boast "she had more Pre- 
sents than Kate Barkalow had," another acquaintance 
suffered a miscarriage and died.'^ Parshall returned to 
Custer. His business speculations were not progressing 
as he had hoped, and Annie continued to quarrel with 
him over what she perceived as his unfounded jealousy. 

"You alwa\'s get angry when I ask you in regard to 
anvlhing that I do not exactly like," he defended him- 
self "If[.] Annie[,] you enjoy flirting and think you are 
doing nothing wrong, why I most certainly shall have 
no objections . 1 have come to think myself very no- 

Early in 1878 Parshall visited Annie in Michigan and 
gave her an engagement ring." He had now relocated to 
Deadwood. but his luck continued to be bad. He suf- 
fered, in succession, a blizzard, a flood, and a slump in 
business,-" and b\ summer, he was wondering whether 

Annie regretted the engagement. "What will those proud 
relations of yours say who advised you years ago to think 
well before you cast your lot with me ?" he asked. Birdie, 
still in Cheyenne, now had a favored beau, and Parshall 
had some reservation about the match: 

Should either Mr & Mrs Post ever hear that I said ought 
which would in any way predjudice [sic] a marriage...! 
am quite sure the gulf of friendship which is now not 
very narrow between them and me would not be less.'' 

Apparently, Annie suggested that Parshall had over- 
estimated her aunt's continued dislike of him: 

No, Annie, I ha\'e not. I think 1 know how she feels 
towards me. She says nothing bad about me[,] her attack 
is in a different form. It is ridicule...! have felt the force 

"'Birdie to .Annie, January 22, 1877; Birdie to Annie, March 14, 
1877. Post Fainily Papers. 

''' Adrian to Annie, February 20, 1877, Post Family Papers. 

'-' Birdie to Annie, February 26, 1878, Post Family Papers. 

''Adrian to Annie, March 8, 1878; A.J. Parshall to Annie, July 
1, 1878, Post Family Papers. 

'"A. J. Parshall to Annie. July 1. 1878, Post Family Papers. 

American Heritage Center, University ofWyoming 

Summer 2000 

of her streangth [sic] in that direction not a few times 
during this summer.'''* 

The Posts, howe\er. were not altogether intransigent. 
By 1879 Parshall had a stead_\ job in the First National 
Bank of Deadwood, an institution in whieh Morton Post 
held an interest, and he was at last making acti\ e plans 
for marriage. "My wages will support us." he told Annie, 
"and what I can make outside will be so much clear.'""' 
He refused to discuss the details of his business endea\ - 
ors with Annie, though. 

That is something I aiwa\s think is best lor me to know 
onlv myself..! belie\e [husband and wife] ha\e their 
separate spheres of action, that each ha\e their particu- 
lar cares, and can attend them best. ..However I lo\e \ou 
just as much and perhaps a good deal more than I would, 
if you knew all about the running of nian["]s business, 
and matters which 1 always thought no woman ought to 
bother with."" 

The marriage was at last set for December of 1879, 
but the place was still unsettled. Annie was inclined to 
favor Poti Huron, for she intended to have "quite a wed- 
ding." Parshall would have preferred something smaller, 
but was willing to indulge her if she would forgo receiv- 
ing presents. "It is beneath me to have my wife accept a 
lot of trash not \\oilh packing away. ..just because it is 
fashionable." he explained."' Eventually. Annie decided 
to be married in Cheyenne and she and Parshall arranged 
to meet there."- Mr. and Mrs. Morton E. Post acted as 
hosts, sending out 250 in\ itations requesting the pres- 
ence of friends on the exening of December 17. 1879. at 
the First Congregational Church of Che\ enne, with a 
reception at their home to follow. The C/icyeiine Dailv 
Sun reported the wedding and described in detail the 
numerous w edding presents recei\ ed b\ the young couple 
on the occasion.'" 

To the nineteenth centur\ . marriage was w oman's true 
vocation, and women were idealized as "not inferior to 
men but equal and possibly even superior within their 
separate sphere."""* This separate sphere was the home 
where the "true woman" created a refuge of peace for 
her husband and an atmosphere of religious and moral 
purity in which to raise her children. The man's sphere 
was to support her economically and to shield her from 
the impure influences of the outside world. Parshall's 
letters to Annie have to be understood in this context. 
Both Annie and Amalia were exposed to this "cult of 
true womanhood.""' and both as young women belie\ ed 
in it. The jarring failure of reality to match the ideal 
altered Amalia's views, but for .Annie the real and ideal 
worlds were closer. 

It seems fair to conclude that both Annie and Amalia 
found opportunities in Cheyenne that they would not 
have had elsewhere. For Amalia. Cheyenne offered an 
economic and political independence bc\ond that nor- 
mally offered to women, of which she gladly took full 
advantage. In a letter to her father, she detailed her fi- 
nancial affairs, which she clearU looked after herself, 
and emphasized that her wealth was "in [her] own 
name.""" She was on good terms with her husband, but 
she did not choose to depend on him for cither money or 

For Annie. Che\ enne merel\ broadened the woman's 
traditional field of opportunity . It was assumed that 
young women would maiT\ . and that an\ other choice 
was a compromise forced on the woman b\ some fail- 
ure on her own part or another's. Annie came to Chey- 
enne looking for a life partner. She found that, unlike 
her experience in Michigan, she was in total control of 
the courtship process. She could, and did. dictate the 
terms under which her company was available and re- 
quired even her fiance to submit to her ideas of proper 
social behavior. She had more power in Cheyenne than 
in Lexington, but it was more of the same kind of pow er. 
and it was used toward the same ends, as other young 
women in other parts of the country wielded. 

It is dangerous to draw general conclusions from a 
few specific examples; but it is e\ en more dangerous to 
draw general conclusions in the absence of specific ex- 
amples. The letters of .Amalia Post and Annie Parshall 
do not pro\ e an_\ thing about 1 9th centur_\ w. omen in gen- 
eral, but the\ provide specific examples of how tw o par- 
ticular w omen coped w ith their roles in a societ\' where 
the ideal was assumed to be real but often was not. 

"* Adrian to .Annie. (")ctober 27. 1878, Post Family Papers. 

^"A.J.P. to .Annie, ,IliI\ 24, 187'), Post Family Papers. 

"'A. J. P. to .Annie, .lanuary 2, 1879, Post Family Papers. 

"'.A.. I. P. to Annie, October 17. 1870. Post Family Papers. 

"-A. .1. Parshall to .Annie, No\ ember 2(\ 1870. Post FamiK Pa- 

"-'Chercnnc Dmlv Sun. December 18, 1870; Cheyovie Daily 
Leader, December 18, 1870. 

"^Myres, 6. 

"^ !b,d. 

"".Amalia to father. March 20. 1876, Post Family Papers. 

D. Claudia Thompson holds a bachelor 's degree 
in histoiyfrom Metropolitan State College. Den- 
ver, and a master 's degree in librarianship from 
the Universit^' of Denver. She has been an archi- 
vist at the University of Wyoming's American 
Heritage Center si)ice J 984. 

Journal of Trip in Wyoming 
Following and Marking Trails 

By Grace Raymond 

Edited by Rick Ewig 

American Heritage Center. UW 
Dr. Hebard speaking at the dedication of the Fort Phil Kearny marker 

Dr. Grace Raymond 
Hebard, University of 
Wyoming trustee and pro- 
fessor, historian, and the 
first woman appointed to 
the Wyoming State Bar, 
actively participated dur- 
ing the 1 91 Os in an effort 
to mark many of the state's 
historic sites. The Wyo- 
ming Daughters of the 
American Revolution lob- 
bied the state legislature to 
appropriate money for his- 
torical markers. This effort 
led to the passage of a bill 
in 1 91 3 which established 
the Wyoming Oregon Trail 
Commission. From 1913 
to 1915 the commission 
placed at least 31 markers, 
many placed by Dr. 
Hebard.^ She traveled 800 
miles following the Ore- 
gon Trail during trips in 
1913 and 1914 and she 
planned a similar trip in 




Dr. Hebard kept a journal of her 1915 trip across Wyo- 
ming. A copy of the typewritten journal is in her papers at 
the American Heritage Center, University of Wyoming.^ 
Hebard traveled with her sister, Alice, among others, in- 
cluding Herman G. Nickerson, president of the Wyoming 
Oregon Trail Commission, who joined her for a portion along 
the Oregon Trail. The party traveled by train, auto, moun- 
tain wagon, and stagecoach, starting in Laramie and on to 
Cheyenne, Douglas, Casper, Lander, Pinedale, Jackson, 
Yellowstone National Park, Cody, Sheridan, and Buffalo. 

The following excerpts are drawn from her Journal 
and are pruited just as they were typed in her journal. 

Having recently been appointed a member of the Or- 
egon Trail Commission for Wyoming b\ Governor John 
B. Kendrick, being State Regent of the Daughters of the 
American Revolution (D.A.R.) for Wyoming, State His- 
torian for the Colonial Dames, a member of the Wyo- 
ming State Historical Society, and generalK interested 
in marking trails and historic sites, I planned a trip dur- 
ing July and August over the State which Dr. Wergeland"^ 
and I had planned in 1 9 1 3 to take in 191 5. On Tuesday 
July 25, 1915, at Laramie at the home of Mrs. Abbot, 
Regent of the Jacques Laramie Chapter. 1 addressed the 
Chapter on marking Fort Laramie and unveiling monu- 
ments at Lingle and Torrington, and visiting the sites at 
Henry, Nebraska, where the Wyoming Sons and Daugh- 
ters of the American Revolution and also those of Ne- 
braska had erected a Noble monument on the Wyoming- 
Nebraska line where the Overland Trail crosses same 
just south of the North Platte River. A cloudburst in the 
hills making all the drinking water red from the sand 
hills and filling the streets full of running water threat- 
ened to play havoc at this D.A.R. meeting, given by 
Miss Abbott. In addressing the Chapter I did so in the 
capacity of State Regent more than historian of the Chap- 
ter. After telling of this most wonderful day which my 
sister and I spent at Fort Laramie on June 17, 1915, and 
the emotions 1 felt in viewing the ground and the old 
time outline of the trail, with the foundations of Fort 
Laramie crumbling to dust, I displayed the pictures which 
I had taken while on this historic spot. Like many oth- 
ers, the gathering was particularly taken with those cow- 
boy pictures which I had had taken sitting astride Miss 
Taylor's beautiful Southern saddle horse. Prince, with a 
divided skirt made from skin decorated on the side with 

fringed buckskin, a border around the bottom of the skirt 
and the front of rattlesnake skins, and here and there 
decorated with green beads and rattlers. The only thing 
I really cared for after delivering the address, which oc- 
cupied about an hour, was that the hearers said after hear- 
ing me that they thought it was a grand thing to mark 
historic sites, and that in their opinion more trails and 
historic spots should be marked. 

Thursday. July 29 

Came to Cheyenne on the nine o'clock morning train 
which is one that makes no stop between Laramie and 
Cheyenne. In going to the depot in the taxi, it went around 
the corner so fast that it made me car sick, so much so 
that I had to make myself walk with myself until the 
train came. Betzy Marvin was at the train, and after a 
few errands we went to her home. We saw Mr. Rainsford 
on the street who helped us to select a raincoat for the 
trip, advising us not to buy what he called "dude coats", 
i.e. thin rain coats. Mrs. J. M. Carey came for us in her 
auto and took us for a long ride, having with her the 
mother-in-law of Bishop Thomas. We went out to Fort 
Russell where many thousands, even millions of dollars 
have been spent in perfecting the post. Then we went to 
Mrs. Care\ 's home where we had a beautifulK appointed 
dinner, my sister and I being the guests. After chatting a 
while, when we had fmished dinner Mrs. Carey. Betzy 
and I went to the Carnegie Librar\ where a Miss Upton 
had a coming out piano recital. The most one can say is 
that they all did their best... .The day was exceedingly 
full, but all froth. 

August 5: [Casper] 

We started from the Midwest Hotel in a Ford auto 
with William Griffith or "Taxi Bill" as driver. We went 
to the Rhinoceros for breakfast and had them put up a 

r \(\'omini;: The ^\oniinc; Histon' 

American Heritage Center, UW 

(Left): Grace Hebard and H. G. Nickerson pos- 
ing next to Independence Rock where both 
carved their names. (Above): Hebard stands 
next to Pathfinder Dam during her 1915 auto 

American Heritage Center, l!ni\ersit\ of Wyoming 

lunch which consisted of three dozen ham sandwitches 
[sic] and cost three dollars. At 5:50 we were off with a 
somewhat cloudy sk\ and roads most excellent. We fol- 
lowed on the west side of the North Platte river to Alcova 
at which historic place we an'ixed about 10 A.M. The 
store keeper here I found to be one of my fomier stu- 
dents and took his picture on the front steps. From here 
there was a bridge across the Platte which we did not go 
over and the view from the side of Devil's Gate was 
splendid. Following along the Platte river, we finally 
reached the Path Finder dam about 1 1 :30. This dam is 
one of the largest in the world and cost our government 
over a million of dollars [sic]. It is terrible in its wonder. 
If it ever should break loose, the water would sweep 
down the valley and w ipe out the town of Casper for the 
lake that is formed by the back-water is twent\ miles in 
circumference. The dam is under governmental super- 
vision and a Mr. Austin has charge of the measuring of 
the water daily. Here we met Mrs. Austin who, it turned 
out, used to work in the dress-making department of the 
Terr\ -Wagner store at Laramie. She w as very hospitable 
and asked us to take dinner with her, but we thoueht we 

had better consume the investment of three dollars in 
sandwiches at which we made sorry work. From here 
we pushed on to Independence Rock, that great stone 
which Father DeSmet called "The Register of the 
Desert." This Independence Rock is an historic land- 
mark on the Overland Trail being somewhat halfway 
between Independence, Missouri and Oregon of the trail. 
We reached here about three o'clock in the afternoon 
but did not stop. We saw many, many names on the 
rock, but the one which had the most significance was 
the inscription w hich Captain H.G. Nickerson had made 
last year and which read "Cal. And Oregon Trail. 1 845- 
9. H.G, Nickerson, 1914". From here we went to the 
home of Mr. Henry Schoonemaker, a man of much 
means, who is somewhat physically disabled but who 
was very pleasant and kind and said he was waiting to 
find that Mr. Nickerson who had marked up his rock 
and had painted the trail sign on his posts without per- 
mission and was going to shoot him. I laughingly said, 
"Please wait until I have made our train journey, and I 
will bring him back to his execution. His ranch is known 
as the Gate Ranch, getting the name from Devil's Gate, 

Summer 2000 


but after I had to open ten or tweUe gates with all kinds 
of latches and fasteners, I accused him of naming his 
ranch for that reason more than tor the historic rock. 

August 6: 

... We hurried on to Independence Rock and comnig 
up close to it we found b\ the side of Mr. N"s name, 
chipped in the rock and painted bkick. the words, "Dr. 
Grace R. Hebard. 1915". Mr. N is president of the Ore- 
gon Trail Commission of which I am a member. Having 
arri\'ed there earlier, he had put m\ name on the rock, — 
the first woman's name so far as is known. Here 1 met 
Captain Nickerson. whom we call Colonel, in a kaki 
[sic] suit and fatigue hat. He has a ver\ soldierK bear- 
ing.... I walked around Independence Rock, just a mile, 
with Captain Nickerson and w hen we w ere in the middle 
of a swamp\ bit of meadow he said, ""1 think there are no 

rattle snakes here now . There used to be a great many." 
I have a mortal fear of rattle snakes and under ordinary 
circumstances would rather have retreated: but this was 
a case of do or die. and 1 marched braveK on with the 
spirit of those who had made the trail. V\'e found hun- 
dreds of names on the ri)ck. some of them \er\ old and 
some quite recent. 

Mumlay .August '> 

Not a ver\ good night. 1 had an uncertam bed and 
uncertain bed fellows. The part\ had breakfast at 6:20 
and after taking photographs of the hotel [in Daniel] we 
started, at seven in the auto for Dr. Montrose's, si.x miles 
west of the site of old Fort Bonne\ille. built in 1832. 
We found Dr. Montrose's ranch, but no sign of the fort. 
There is nothing on the prairie except a few small trees 
and the handsome stone w hich Dr. Montrose had hauled. 

\mcriccin Heritcigt; Center. CIV 

Grace Hebard working on the car after a break-Jown on the trip. The man at the right is not identified. 


Annals oi Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal 

a granite boulder about four feet high which 
might weigh two tons. We drove over to Dr. 
Montrose's, met his wife and a Mr. Kelley and 
returned with those to the site where altogether, 
with self included, and auto pulling at the stone 
we fmalh succeeded in getting it in the loca- 
tion desired, though upside down.... we blocked 
out the letters upside down on the stone. The 
letters were about two inches high and we 
worked all of three hours on the inscription 
which tmalh read as follows: "Site of Fort 
Bonneville 1832 1915." 1 helped and went over 
each letter with chisel and mallet and with a 
small paint brush painted the letters black. Fi- 
nally Cole went to scratching around in the 

soil and dug up a post of the old 

stockade, which was three feet in the ground 
and sharpened at one end. I believe this to be 
the best proof of the stockade that has been un- 
covered up to the present time, where a stock- 

ade of such large posts ten to fourteen inches in 
diameter existed so long ago as the fur post 
which Bonneville built. That location has always 
been known as Fort Bonneville, and I talked 
during the day with two or three people who, as 
far back as 1 882, found the posts which have 
now disappeared, three and four feet above the 
ground. Anyway the site is marked. 

Monday. August 16: 

After the usual explanation of "Where is your 
sister?" "Isn't she coming down to breakfast?" 
"No, she doesn't eat breakfast." "What is the 
matter? Has she stomach trouble?" "No, she just 
doesn't eat breakfast!" we commenced to get 
ready to start for Cody. We started about seven- 
thirty in an automobile for Cody which was some 
fifty miles east. . 

"Chicago and Northwestern Depot and the Monument "--a postcard of Casper from 1915, (the original in color tint), 
from Dr. Grace Raymond Hebard's collection. American Heritage Center, University of Wyoming. 



This day is certainly one of rich experiences. 
We followed the Shoshoni River which until 
within my own memory bore the name of Stink- 
ing River, named thus by the Indians and told to 
John Colter in 1807, the tlrst white man to smell 
it. .. The stream is not attractive at all. but the 
road for a long way and for miles and miles was 
really charming and the mountains along the road 
had the Garden of the Gods at Colorado Springs 
looking like a ha-penny.... 

To my mind there is a very excellent chance 
on this road, which is wonderful in its scenic sur- 
roundings, for a fatal and terrible accident. In fact, 
the road is so narrow that in many places two 
automobiles could not pass one another. Not three 
hundred yards ahead of us a man ran an auto into 
another and did a great deal of damage to the 
machine, water spouting out on the front of the 
automobile, but he seemed oblivious to the con- 
sternation which he had caused and rode on with 
a spirit of indifference or, it may be. with a fear 
of arrest. For miles we thus rode over the trail. 
but I had the back door of the automobile open 
all the time and one foot out and had Betsy's feet 
free from the rug in order that we might jump in 
case of accident. In fact, we were obliged several 
times to get out and walk.... 

Saturday, August 21: 

We crossed the mountains, and were about op- 
posite Meeteetse on the west side of the Big Horn 
range, in Big Horn County. We all lunched in a 
clearing in which there were two log cabins, an 
ideal spot for a picnic, and while we were pre- 
paring the meal 

four persons appeared who proved to be the 
governess and tutor and two small children, the 
grandchildren of Mrs. Potter Palmer. After we 
had lunched. Vie said, "Dr. Hebard will tell us 
something of her trip." 1 had a semicircle about 
me, and above me. and I was seated on a box of 
the "Sheridan Brewing Company." I told all this 
group of many things, particularly of Indepen- 
dence Rock and of Fort Bonneville.... Then, not 
having enough history. I told them of the 
Fetterman Massacre and the wagon box fight, 
for the Indians who had been in these struggles 
had roamed over and over the tract of land on 

which we were seated. Finallv one of the young 
people said. "She belongs to the little, red Civics 
of Wyoming. Doesn't she?" He had studied this 
book in school, and had just grasped the idea that 
one who wrote a book might realK live. This story 
telling to such an appreciative audience was re- 
ally touching.. 

Sun Jay, August 22: 

Promptly at 7;30an auto came, and we all. little 
Orr included, started for ButTalo b\ Fetterman 
Massacre Hill. This is a tract of land over which 
we went that makes one not wonder that the Indi- 
ans contested every foot controlled by the white 
man a garden spot for buffalo, plenty of wild fruit, 
a light enough climate for most of the year. fish, 
and plenty of places to hide and also to ad\anta- 
geously attack the w hite man. That Fetterman and 
all his men were killed is not to be wondered. The 
Indians had every advantage.... 

We then went over the Fort Phil Kearney [sic] 
site with a Mr, [name not given] who now owns 
the place, and with an irrigation spade over his 
shoulder which at times served as an index. He 
took us step b\ step o\er the site of the old fort 
which was in a constant state of siege b\ the Indi- 
ans from the time of its erection Luitil it was fi- 
nally burned by the Indians. We found only a post 
here and there that remained of this historicfort 
built in the late sixties. We found many pieces of 
iron in the ground and 1 ha\e a piece of the front 
of a stove with the date mark of 1865 impressed 
on it. We were also in the rifie pits just west, and 
close to the walls of the fort. This site should be 
preserved, if not by the state, then by the national 
government, for already ci\ ilization with iirigat- 
ing ditches and their resulting fields of grain and 
alfalfa have defaced this spot and to the future 
the exact outlines of the fort. 

Rick Ewig is acting director of the Ameri- 
can Heritage Center. University of Wyo- 
ming. He is a former editor of Annals of 
Wyotning. The reference library in the 
American Heritage Center is named for Dr. 
Hebard who served for many years as the 
university's first "archivist. " 


Annals or Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal 

Marking Site of Fort Bonneville, Aug. 9, 1915 

"Col. a; ami p. C. 
'working ' to get stone in 
exact spot" 

Dr. Hebard titled this 
series of photographs 
"The Wyoming Trail 
Commission earning 
its Money, Aug. 9, 
Fort Bonneville, near 
Daniel, Wyo." She re- 
fers to herself in each 
photograph as "P. C." 

"Col. Nickerson and P. C. / r^ 
rolling the monument imo ( / 
place for marking" 


All photographs, Hebard 
collection, American Heritage 
Center, Uni\ersitv of Wvomina 

The results of the hihor—the moimwent in place. " 

d Harvard Cook in the 
Wyoming Bodiands: 

Th« 1908 Diary of filcott Farrar Elwell 

By Qinny Kilander 

"I waved my hat and the people craned their necks out 
the window to see 'the cowboy"? What a bump they 
would have had if they had known!"' Twenty-two year- 
old Alcott Farrar Elwell recorded this event in his diary 
in July of 1908. The native of Massachusetts had been 
in Wyoming and the West barely twenty days himself 
Elwell made his first trip to the Western U.S. while he 
was working to support his Harvard education and com- 
plete his bachelor of science degree. A Harvard acquain- 
tance had offered him a position as cook with the U.S. 
Geological Survey for a team assigned to the coal fields 
in the vicinity of Buffalo. Wyoming. Despite his lack 
of cooking experience, Elwell accepted the position and 
spent 3 1/2 months that summer and fall in Johnson and 
Sheridan counties. Wyoming, as the cook for a four- 
man survey team. 

Elwell maintained a daily diary which documented 
his trip to the West, and also created a visual record 
with photographs showing the impressions of a Massa- 
chusetts man as he first experienced Western culture and 
the Wyoming landscape. He recorded the typography 
and weather in descriptive and detailed passages, not 
unlike other Eastern travelers unfamiliar with the West. 
His love of the outdoors was evident, and he described 
hunting, fishing and observations of wildlife through- 
out his Western stay. His sense of humor, ability to laugh 
at himself and his adaptability in various situations is 
apparent. Entertaining entries contrast with statements 
which reveal the solitude of those months, with many 

' Diar\ entn.-. July 27. 1908. .A.lcott Farrar Elwell Papers. Coll. 
1916. Box 1. .American Heritage Center, University of Wyoming, 

The survey party and their cook, 1908. Left to right: "Dad" Beekly. Alcott Elwell, Wegeman, Gardiner, survey leader 
Hoyt Gale. Elwell papers, American Heritage Center, University of Wyoming 

Summer 2000 

days spent alone while the geologists were elsewhere 
conducting their fieldwork, and while his tamily re- 
mained in the East. 

Elwell was a student of human nature, and his obser- 
vations of strangers he met, and comments on the inter- 
personal relations of the survey team as a whole are in- 
cluded in his documentation. Essentially strangers at the 
outset, these men shared close living quarters for sev- 
eral months, and were forced to work together as a team 
despite their differences. 

Elwell traveled to the West for employment, and for a 
short-term job. He had no plans to make the West his 
home, nor to even return there later in life. Yet his work 
ethic, adaptability, and good nature, in addition to his 
love of the outdoors and adventure, made him a seem- 
ingly well-qualitled candidate for the job. Needless to 
say, not all young men would travel thousands of miles 
across the country to camp in the outdoors, with a group 
of virtual strangers, and live in harsh outdoor conditions 
in a mobile camp in an unknown en\ ironment for se\- 
eral months. Although he may hav e lacked cooking ex- 
perience, he demonstrated capable skills in outdoor liv- 

In the early years of the twentieth century the U.S. 
Geological Survey began an extensive study and classi- 
fication of coal lands in the Western United States. - 
President Theodore Roosevelt authorized the coal test- 
ing program initially in preparation for a demonstration 
for the Louisiana Purchase Exposition, but the program 
became a regular part of the U.S. G.S. in 1905.' In addi- 
tion to studies in the states of Montana, Colorado, New 
Mexico, and North Dakota, several coal fields in Wyo- 
ming were also surveyed including fields located near 
Buffalo, the Powder River, Big Horn Basin, Little Snake 
River, and Rock Springs.^ 

The Buffalo Coal Field team was headed by Hoyt S. 
Gale, a Harvard graduate who was in his sixth year of 
service with the U.S. G.S.,' and who had recruited Elwell. 
Carrol H. Wegemann co-authored the published report 
of the survey, and field assistants Doane Gardiner and 
W.H. Beekly completed the team." ElwelLs captions 
on one group photograph provide additional insight into 
the personalities of the men. Gale is identified as "The 
Chief," Gardiner as "The Actor," and Beekly is referred 
to as "Dad," a nickname also used by Elwell throughout 
his diary.' Elwell identified the survey as part of the 
United States Geodetic Survey, Roosevelt Lignite Con- 
servation project.*' 

Although Elwell would not marry for many years af- 
ter his summer experience, his widow recalled. 

Colonel Elwell looked back on his Wyoming sum- 
mer with great appreciation and enthusiasm. It was 


rough, tough, and challenging. And he liked it. He loved 
the outdoors vsherever he was. He had never cooked! 
But like everything else, he was not afraid to try, and 
used to say, 'and they liked my cooking!'. ..His Wyo- 
ming experience was one of the mountain peaks of his 
life. Frequently referred to, it had a large part in con- 
tributmg to the usefulness and success that followed. " 

The son of sculptor Frank Edwin Elwell and Molina 
Mary Hildreth,'" Elwell was one of twin boys, Alcott 
Farrar and Stanley Bruce, bom to the couple in Cam- 
bridge, Massachusetts, in the fall of 1866. Alcott was 
named for his godmother, author Louisa May Alcott, 
who had encouraged his father to study sculpture, and 
provided him v\ ith his first lessons." Farrar was the fam- 
ily name of the twin boys" paternal great-grandparents. '- 

Details of ElwelFs early childhood are scarce. He 
spent 1895, the year he turned nine, in France, and at- 
tended school in Kassel. Germany, the following \ear. 
His father had strong ties to Europe, having been 
schooled at the Ecole des Beaux Arts in Paris. The couple 
married in that city, although the two returned to the 
United States the year before the boys' birth." A noted 
and multiple award-winning sculptor. Frank Elwell may 
ha\e returned to Europe to pursue his art. and moved 
his famiU . including his school-aged children, w ith him. 

Later, Alcott Elwell returned to the United States 
where, from the age of 1 5 to 1 9, he attended the Cam- 
bridge Latin and Stone Schools.'^ In 1905 he had his 
first experiences with Mowglis School-of-the-(^pen, a 
summer camp for boys located in East Hebron. New 
Hampshire, where he worked as a junior counselor for 

- Mary C. Rabbitt, A Brief History of the US Geological Sunder 
(Washington: L!. S. Go\emmcnt Printing OtTice. l')7'5). 20. 

'•Ihid, 10. 

■■ Contributions to Economic Geolog}- 190S. Part ll-Mmeral Fu- 
els. Bulletin .i81, (Washington: Government Printing Oftlce, 1910), 

" Elwell Papers. 

"Contributions to Economic Geolog\\ 137. 

".Alcott Farrar Elwell Papers, Coll. H66-80, Wyoming State .Ar- 
chives, Cheyenne. 

* Elwell Papers, American Heritage Center. 

"Letter, Helen Chaffee Elwell to Gene Gresslex, .April 12. 1966. 
Elwell Papers 

'".Alcott Farrar Elwell Biographical Folder, Harvard I nixersity 
Archives. Cambridge, Mass. 

' .Alcott Farrar Elwell Donor File. Letter from Alcott Farrar 
Elwell to Mrs. Skaggs, December 30, I960, Free Library of Phila- 
delphia, Philadelphia, Penn. 

'- "The Elwell Bust of Louisa .Alcott." Concord Massaclnissetts 
Journal, November 28. 1968. no date; C.PAM 43 Elwell 19. Con- 
cord Free Public Library of Philadelphia. Special Collections. Con- 
cord. M.A. 

'■'Elwell Donor File, Free Library of Philadelphia. 

'^ Elwell Papers. .American Heritage Center. 


Annals oi Wyoming: Tke Wyoming History Journal 

the summer. The camp would become a major focus of 
his life later, with Elwell becoming the owner and di- 
rector of the camp from the 1920s through the 1940s." 

Alcott Ehvell began his Harvard career in 1906, a 
member of the class of 1910. Financial difficulties pre- 
vented him from graduating with his class and forced 
him to leave Harvard periodically to earn additional hand- 
ing to support his education. In addition to his position 
as cook for the U.S.G.S., Elwell was a New York City 
mechanic for the Panhard-Lavasser Automobile Com- 
pany, served as nurse at a Kassel, Germany, hospital, 
worked as a Boston book- 
keeper, and began a boys' 
school in Cleveland, Ohio, 
all in a period of only seven 
years."' Elwell's Harvard 
records indicate that he also 
began a club for \ oung men 
relating to modern busi- 
ness, with the theme "how 
to get a job and how to keep 
it,""'" an ironic topic for a 
man who held so many jobs 
during his college career. 

Elwell began his diary 
with his departure in New- 
Jersey on July 2, 1908. 
when he "left Weehawken 
[New Jersey] with Dad on 
the front steps, the Hudson 
[River] dull blue in the heat 
haze beyond. Left mother at 
23rd St. and now turn my 
face West, where what I go 
to meet -I face alone.""'* 
His parents were divorced 
during this year, and his fa- 
ther maintained an art stu- 
dio overlooking the Hudson 

Alton Farrar 

From Weehawken, Elwell traveled to Jersey City and 
then continued by train to Virginia where he stated: "N.J. 
and Virginia look much alike and there is the same feel- 
ing to the country (except for the girls!). ..Philadelphia 
and Baltimore dwarf after the sky-scrapers of N.Y., so 
that they look like [a] city of small mushrooms. "-° 
This night was spent in New York City. Elwell met Hoyt 
Gale, the head of the survey team, that evening. 

The train trip to Wyoming and the stops along the 
way may have held as much interest for Elwell as the 
months spent in the state. During a layover in New York 
on July 3, he commented on his trip to the Library of 

Congress. He recorded his impressions of George 
Washington's Bible, and an unnamed illustrations ex- 
hibit, and he later noted the titles of books available for 
sale in a book and cigar store located near Union Sta- 
tion.-' "..After reaching Baltimore we turned west and 
are excitedly rushing towards the west. Over the fields I 
saw a great rainbow in the evening twilight, its eastern 
end lost halfway down among the rain clouds, but the 
western end reaching almost to the 'pot of gold,' and 
hidden only by the mist on the countryside. "-- 
When he arrived in Chicago on the Fourth of July, he 

observed, "People look 
Western; women not as 
well dressed as New York 
nor as smart-looking." 
After steaming through 
Iowa and Nebraska, the 
train entered the Mountain 
time zone on July 6, and 
Elwell observed the local 
wildlife: "Along the track 
prairie dogs everywhere sit 
up like drum majors. They 
sit so straight, and tucking 
their paws in front of them 
they look as if presenting 
arms. By the excitement 
S caused from the train, it 
-■ must be quite an event in 
,5 the village."-' 
'i, The train arrived in 
I Sheridan that afternoon 
c and Elwell "..went uptown, 
■i bought a hat and shoes. 
< The town faces N and S; 
% to the west 10 miles away 
S. are the big horns. The far- 
"I thest peaks snow-capped. 
^ To the south lies our route 
and Buffalo. Sheridan is a 
town of 8000, sporting a whole line of stores, hotels, 


"Alcott F. Elwell Clipping Sheet, Harvard College Library, 
Harvard University Archives. 

'* Elwell Papers, American Heritage Center, July 2, 1908. 
'" "Alcott Farrar Elwell" biography, Elwell Papers. 
-" Elwell diary, July 2, 1908. 

// in the West. 

-' Ibid., 
-- Ibid 

July 3, 1908. 

July 4-6, 1908. 
July 6, 1908. 




Elwell met the other members of the survey team that 
night, although he provided no commentary on his ini- 
tial impressions of the men with whom he would spend 
the next few months. The team left Sheridan and trav- 
eled south, arriving in Banner that evening, where they 
enjoyed supper and the evening at a ranch located in a 
grove of cotton trees.-' On .luly 8 the survey team con- 
tinued to travel south toward Buffalo. While stopped 
for lunch near Lake De Smet, "Three autos (2 Buicks 
and a 2-cyl. Rambler) caused a \ ariation and excitement. 
Lake De Smet is said to be a bottomless lake and who- 
soever rows or goes on the surface is always drowned."-" 
A letter in the local Buffalo new spaper from that sum- 
mer described the nearb> tow n as a "bus) place, in one 
of the most fertile communities of Wyoming, and is the 
county seat, its population is about 2,000. In spite of the 
fact that it is thirty miles distant from the railroad, it is 
making a continuous progress, both in business and so- 
cial way." -'' 

Elwell's entry for the morning of July 9 records his 
first cooking for the unit, while they were camped a 
quarter-mile from the town of Buffalo: "4:30 am cut 
wood, built fire, and got breakfast. Pretty poor first at- 
tempt. Coffee bad, scrambled eggs and bacon. Dinner 
at 1 p.m. Steak, peas, com, and chocolate. Supper soda 
biscuit and grapenut -good. Made bread and cleaned 
stove..."-* The following day's cooking attempts showed 
slight improvement. "Made 3 loaves of bread, but 
squashed one. Pretty good."-" 

The field party was joined b>' the 1 9"" Infantr\ . on their 
wa\ from Fort McKenzie to Che> enne, for the next feu 
days. EKvelLs photographs document that the two par- 
ties shared a single camp during their sta\ . The soldiers 
played baseball against the "Buffalo nine." The news- 
paper reported that "the soldier boys played nice ball, 
but the game was not close enough to be \er\ interest- 
ing, the visitors being 'shut out' by a score of 9 to 10 in 
Buffalo's favor."'" 

Elwell's comments frequently relate to Wyoming 
weather and outdoor conditions of late summer. He re- 
ported on July 1 1 : " hands are blistered in contact 
with hot things; my face is too. 1 wear a complexion like 
a pickled beet. Let me say honestly God help the man 
who has to bum cotton wood in the country."'' 

On July 13, the team broke camp and stopped in Buf- 
falo for supplies before following Clear Creek toward 
the Watts Ranch: 

The hills are ail co\ered with great coal clinks from 
the burning of great coal bed in the hills. These clinks 
make the red effect so picturesque in the landscape. 
Beside [this] the black jagged pieces of melted rock 
and iron with burnt coal, fomi fantastic fieures among 

the hills. ...A most wonderful full moon, pale, very pale, 
and white over the prairie and the river bottom. The tents 
shone in it, and the vs ind seemed to be accompanying it 
through the night for as the moon rose into the sky the 
wind became stronger and fresher... Early next morn- 
ing, at 4:30, it still hung on the edge of the sagebrush 
over beyond the hills e\en while the crimson was deep 
on the east. 1 wondered whether Bruce and Mother had 
seen it passing them two hours before, but kept on its 
way into the West without answcring.'- 

For much of the sur\e_\ Elwell had considerable time 
to himself while the geologic teain was exploring, study- 
ing and mapping the region. "Dad" [Beekl> ] and EKvell 
were left to themselves on July 14, and passed the day 
sleeping and reading. Later Elwell 

Got some coal from the Ranch and started using it. 
The coal looks, is, part of ossified wood, cracks terribly, 
and will powder if wet, and then dried. It hums pretty 
well, almost like wood, it is so soft. It is better than 
having to chase through forlorn country in search of a 
piece of wood to burn. 

Upon the retum of the other survey members Elwell 
prepared a "... full-course dinner, -2 vegetables, jelly 
omelet, etc. The French fried potatoes were very sad..."'- 
(He copied down his rudimentarx cooking knowledge 
into a "cookbook" of handwritten recipes. Some, he ap- 
parently learned from ranch women while in Wyoming. 
He commented in a letter he mailed from Wyotning "no 
one has died \et from m\ cook.")"'"" 

Shorth after dnmer that night, a strong stom: moved 
into the area. 

At camp matters were sad indeed. The spot we are on 
is a bit low, but drained by a ditch. Such a tlood de- 
scended that the ditch o\ertlowed and the tents swam. 
Hoyt got the worse dose for it was a regular puddle un- 
derneath his cot. .A.II hands v\ere digging ditches when I 
arri\ed...Oh! it is sweet to get into bed with two inches 
of mud below! I piled all my belongings in a pyramid 
on the grain sack and got into bed naked, as towel and 
pajamas were somewhere in the moisty pile."'- 

- Ibid, }i\\y 7. 1908. 

-" lh:d., iu\y 8, 1W8. 

-"J. A Fischer letter of .luly 10. JQOS. reprinted in The Buffalo 
Bulletin, 6 August 1908, p. 3, c. 4. 

-* EKvell Papers, .American Heritage Center. Jul> 9, 1908. 

-"Ibid., July 10. 1908. 

'"The Buffalo Bulletin, July 16, 1908. p. 3. c. 2. 

" EKvell Papers, American Heritage Center. July 1 1. 1908. 

'Ubui.,M\ 13. 1908. 

''Ibid.,]\x\\ 14. 1908. 

'"'Ibid.; Elwell Papers letter from Alcott Farrar Elwell to 
Rosamond Kimball, July 27, 1908. 

-■'Ibid.. July 14, 1908. 


Annals oi Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal 

Unfortunately the camp conditions did not improve 
by daybreak the morning of July 1 5 : 

But sweeter than going to bed wet is getting up and 
stepping into the mire at 4:30 a.m. to hunt for a damp 
pair of pants in a cool chill and yank on a pair of boots 
while mud jellies around you. Again it is no dream to 
pull water 300 yards in pails with the mud up to your 
ankles -but that's what I'm paid for.'* 

Damn the house fly! When the Lord made these 

he certainly slipped up, or more probably it was one of 

the best inventions of the Devil and the tlies are thick 

as a man's sin on Judgment Day, and quite as aggravat- 

Elwell was obligated to stay near the camp that day, 
as two meinbers were surveying and the other two were 
in search of "Brownie," one of their horses which had 
wandered from the camp.^* 

On July 16, the team left camp in Watts and traveled 
toward Piney Creek, stopping for lunch at Piney, before 
their arrival in "Claremont""'^ later in the day. Claremont, 
"consists of a couple of saloons, two stores and a rail- 
road station."'*" The survey unit camped a few miles south 
of the town that night: 

4:30 am. Woke with the wide open prairie all about. 
Washed dishes in the ditch which was a slow and dirty 
operation. Got mixed up at breakfast and did not get off 
until 8:00. Made a mess of things, and was told so. Bet- 
ter next time; all right, I will know better what is up. 

The recent rain caused the rivers to rise six inches, 
making fording the creeks difficult.'" 

On July 19, Elwell "took a mud bath in the Powder 
River, nearly clear mud. Smith [head of U.S.G.S.] ar- 
rived at 6:00 pm."^- (The local newspaper provided 
clarification and confirmed that Dr. Otis Smith, director 
of the Washington, D.C., bureau of the U.S. Geological 
Survey, had arrived in Buffalo during the period from 
July 18- August 7).-" 

The next day the team left the Powder River camp 
and traveled back toward Claremont. 

About 6 p.m., after an extremely hot, muggy day and 
mosquitoes began work. Around the cook tent and the 
fly they gather in black blotches and make dish-washing 
a tonnent.... On going to bed I thoughtlessly sat on the 
ground, whereupon my pyjama (sic) pants became coated 
with 'stick tights.' Between mosquitoes outside, burrs 
inside, and the heat sleep was a matter of small account. 
The next morning I had the comfort in learning that all 
the rest had suffered during the night''' 

The following day Hoyt had planned to take the stage 
toward the Big Horn Mountains. The stage was full so 
he and "Dad" took the wagon instead.^' Alone in camp 
the next day, Elwell was 

writing a letter to Dad [when] the darned stock forded 
the river and ...fled away. I followed in chase across 
the river, up to my waist in water. The water was so 
swift it took uttermost precaution not to slide on a pebble 
and be carried down stream. Skirting a hill I followed 
upon the ridge over the ups and downs to head off the 
stock. Then tried to ride "Tanglefoot" home bareback, 
After several unsuccessful attempts to get on his tall back 
I led him across the ford the same way I came and reached 
camp... Western horses are the biggest fools, they lack 
even horse sense! The only sense they have is for get- 
ting into trouble."^'' 

July 25: Went to Claremont bareback on "Brownie." 
Coming back the fools at the store packed the butter in 
thin paper; it speedily melted in the hot sun and ran out 
of the saddle bag. With a saddle bag, ...four dozen eggs 
and myself, all on a slippery back, as it dripped fast at 
30 cents per pound, I descended and, clothed in the saddle 
bag cover, took the saddle bags in hand, the eggs, the 
reins, and dragged the accursed "Brownie" in several 
miles. . ..Reaching the brook I put the butter in, and came 
to camp." 

July 27: While baking bread "Dad" saw a flock of 
chickens. With Gardiner's double I knocked a double 
and a single, a bird at every shot. The long double bird 
we could not trace! These chickens rise very much like 
pheasant. ...on my returning way from Claremont, #41 
passed me just as my road led off into the hills at right 
angles to the track. I waved my hat and the people craned 
their necks out the window to see "the cowboy"? What 
a bump they would have had if they had known! ft is 
nevertheless an obvious fact that the sight of a train 
loaded with people coming from the East gives me a 
strange pleasure just to watch it pass....''* 

Evening: There was a most splendid sun glow over 
the western hills. The color was of a most intense, mar- 
velous crimson, like some gigantic fire beyond the prai- 
rie. The green of the near hills and the faint illusive 
purples and greens of a few more distant points seen 
between the others made the spectacle gorgeous beyond 
all words; for color is so minute and sylables [sic] can- 
not but portray it crudely-for they are but a crude instru- 
ment themselves. As the night deepened the foot and 

'"Ibid., My 15, 1908. 



^^ Clearmont. 

■"'Elwell Papers, American Heritage Center, July 16, 1908. 

"Ibid.. My 17, 1908. 

'-Ibid., My 19, 1908. 

" The Buffalo Voice, August I, 1908, p.3, c.3 

'■"Elwell Papers, American Heritage Center, July 21-22, 1908. 

'' Ibid., My 23, 1908. 

'^ Ibid., My 24, 1908. 

"Ibid., My 25, 1908. 

'*/Wrf., July 27, 1908. 

Summer 2000 

shoulders of a rainbow shone in the east for a few mo- 
ments baci<ed by the dark rain behind and the colorless 
prairie from which the light had tied. During the night 
the hills were very black, but to the east lightening 
winked like some great eye, opening and shutting across 
the night. The tents and the flats lay as silent as the dark- 
ness around."''* 

Although the events of other team members are not 
recorded for the ne.xt few days, Elv\ell spent the time 
hunting turtle doves, and despite ha\ing shot five the 
day before, he "went out after do\es but failed to con- 
nect with a single one after 6 shots." Later he signed his 
$50 payroll, representing his work from July 6-31."" 
""Tanglefoot" ran away with me twice. The bridle was 
broken and 1 couldn't hold him. Of all the darned beasts 
in the hunch "Tanglefoot" beats all."'^' 

"August 1 : The Devil died of sunstroke today! Where 
in Hell to stay. It was the hottest da> we"\ e had, and 
that is saying something. Made bread in 3 hrs. it w as so 
warm." (One of the Buffalo newspapers later reported 
that this was the hottest day of the month, with tempera- 
tures reaching 82 degrees).'- Later in the da)', "Hoyt got 
caught in brook by bunch of "vimens" in a carriage."'- 

The next se\ eral days were uneventful. Elwell prac- 
ticed his long distance target shooting, read, and sw am. 
One early .August day, he "had to dri\e the old stray 
horse away. In leaning to unhitch him the saddle slipped 
with Kid [the horse] and around it went. 1 got kicked in 
the stomach and the horse ran 1 2 mile. The oil slicker 
is nowhere to be found!"-"" 

Although there is no further word about the horse, 
Elwell's bird shooting difficulties continued on August 
5th, when he wrote "Shot 9 doves, but lost 3 in the sage- 
brush. They set in cotton woods. Deep gullies, w eather 
courses. Prepared for rnore. "-"'-"' 

The camp i"r"ioved again, leaving Double Crossing and 
returning to the Watts Ranch where Mrs. Watts instructed 
Elwell in baking lemon pies. He said of his atten"ipt later, 
"The pie plate outgrew the crust, but otherw ise it was 
good, " and he cornrnented on the "Wonderful Northern 
Lights over the northeast sky. Pigs and black cats infest 
the tents at night."''' 

August 11: Morning o\ercast and cold. Made bread 
and put It in what sun there was to rise. By noon it was 
growing cold and I had to put it in my bed!. ..August 12: 

The day was bitter cold, wet, overcast and windy at 

1 1 :30 Mr. Gale came to camp on account of the rain and 
snow. He brought with him a fish from the irrigation 
ditch. The ditch broke down and all the water was run 
out. This left suckers in small puddles. 1 went up to the 
ditch and succeeded in getting seven, four from one 
puddle and three from along the ditch. It was a slimy job 


as the fish went overland across the mud pretty fast. I 
dammed up one pool and chased the four into shallow 
water. The fish were about 10 inches to 12 inches, and 
were 'suckers" whitish grey with red on the tail. .After 
dinner I went dov\nstream, but the blue heron had done 
the picking.'' 

Bad weather, delays and ill health plagued the survey 
team from .August 13-24. Cold rains made for a damp 
enxironrnent in the camp, and delayed the move. The 
team traveled when the weather cleared, and rode along 
the "Piney road for several miles very hilly as it kept to 
hills instead of the valley. In places the cuts were badly 
gullied, while one had to be repaired with rocks and 
gravel before the team could cross. Alrnost w ithout ex- 
ception the ditch bridges and culverts were broken and 
useless. ""'*' After the team"s arrival and the establish- 
ment of the camp, Elwell was sent after the mail in the 
nearest towns, worked on the laundr\ and cooked for 
the next few days. He also drew cartoons periodically 
for the men. and assisted in mapping their geologic w ork. 
He put in a 1 7- hour day on August 1 8, including a ride 
of eighteen miles on horseback."* 

The teani left Harnilton's on the 24th and arrived 

in ■"Keamex ."" twelve n"iiles away. 

The snowcaps of the Big Horns just in front, their 
shoulders sloping off into the timbered tops, and down 
nearer and nearer until the trees ceased and the sage be- 
gan. Every intenal of change has its peculiar tone and 
shade, like dabs on a great palette. Ev eryvv here we passed 
there were several pines standing on an eminence to 
deepen the contrast between it and the sage.™ 

August 25: The hell of a day!. ..Only got 5 hrs." 
sleep. ..Just as supper was finished a heavy wind struck 
us. It was a good sand and dust stonn. The kitchen table 
was turned over, the dishes floating away on the wind, 
tablecloth, etc. For about 2 hrs. it blew, as if it had plenty 
more from where that came.... The tent was a mess. 
Tables all over; food on the ground, stovepipe dov\n, 
and dirt 1/4" on evervthing. ... .August 26:. ...The tent was 
worse than ever, and the plates all upside down in the 
dirt. .After the sun came up I found mv' hat and the table- 

" !b,d. 

"Ibid.. Jul> 28-30. 1908. 

• Ibul. .luly 31, 1908. 

-The Buffalo Bulletin. 3 September 1908, p. 3 col. 2. 

-■Elwell Papers. .American Heritage Center, .August 1, 1908. 

'Ibid., August 3, 1908. 

^Ibid.. August 5, 1908. 

"/Wrf., August 8, 1908. 

Ubid., August 11-12, 1908. 

»/Wrf., August 16. 1908. 

"Ibid.. August 13-18, 1908; September 4, 1908. 

"ft/o'., August 24, 1908. 


Annals or Wyoming; Tne Wyoming History Journal 

Ll'.'.cU s coUeclion in the American Heritage Center contains numerous photo- 
graphs he shot during the summer with the survey part}: Above. "Dad" Beekly 
poses for Elwell on top of a petrified stump. 

cloth 25 yds. away. Washed all the 
dishes, cleaned the tent, then got 
breakfast. I say -rats!^' 

Piney Creek here at Keaney is 
clear from fresh melted snows, and 
runs joyously o\er boulders, whirl- 
ing down rapids into sheets of silver 
belovs . Its banks are hung \\ ith wil- 
low, cotton (and 'elder"?) in such a 
thicket that it is quite impassable in 
places. In fact it seemed like get- 
ting home in New Hampshire. The 
sound of running water o\ er steep 
places or among the rocks is the 
same in all places. It speaks the 
same language in one as the other - 
and in it is the faint, far munnur of 
the sea. Unconscious of distance it 
echoes the impulse of the waves, and 
w hen one knows the rhythm of an 
ocean the beating of swift water is 
but a different key with the same mo- 
tif "- 

The survey tearn broke camp 
again on August 3 1 and camped at 
the Barkey's ranch the following 
day. Elwell described the process 
for obtaining water at the ranch: 
""....the water is from a Vi inch pipe 
behind the Ranch -it takes time and 
patience, and there is Alcott.""' 

Below: "Powder River camp " when 
the survey party camped iiext to the 
army detachment on July 1 7. Elwell 
papers. American Heritage Center, 
Universit}- of Wyoming 

Summer 2000 

After spending several days in camp completing rou- 
tine chores, Elwell recorded his impression of the night 
sky on the evening of September 7: 

...the inoon was three-quarters full, the night sultry, 
warm, with perfect stillness. Across the mountains the 
sky dies away into a yellow-green, and then became that 
lightly 'colored blue,' the effervescent blue which comes 
sometimes o\ er the plains. The sea's blue is rich in color, 
deep, forboding, or childlike, to always somber, even 
like the eyes of a thoughtful child or of a powerful man 
-the prairie has a blue of its own, a light, fantastic color, 
full of magic that hovers over the poison springs, sur- 
rounds the blood-tipped, shattered hills, and the white 
still bones beside them.'"" 

The camp was moved again the following day, and 
just as the team arri\ed at the new location, near the 
T.A. Ranch, a rainstorm moved in. 

It began to rain as we struck camp, but we had things 
under cover before any great hann, except my sleeping 
bag, which rolled down the bank into the muddy slime- 
thanks to "Dad'!"" 

September 10: Warm. Made bread. Washed clothes- 
lye, Gold Dust soap and it burned my hands all dry up. 
This water is Hell! It makes a greasy deposit over the 
plate, if any kind of soap is used. Received a lener from 
Aunty Beth about "Cleanliness is next to godliness'!'''' 

The survey team attended the .Johnson County Fair 
(held in Buffalo) on September 12. Various team mem- 
bers traveled to Buffalo to attend to washing, purchas- 
ing supplies, and visiting with the tow nspeople over the 
next few days, while other members completed their 
survey work in the field."' 

"September 20: ...Went over to the petrified tree. Took 
photos of 'Dad' on top. Tree 13 ft. circumference, about 
15 to 20 ft. high." Elwell bathed the following day and 
reported, "As I was splashing merrily in the open tlatiand 
a team drove round over near the bench and ' I never saw 
them" at all. It was close range at 150 ft. and then "1 
came to." There was a girl in the buggy."""** 

The weather began to cool off at night beginning Sep- 
tember 23, and Elwell described the weather the next 
day as "cold as blazes.'""'' The first snow of the season 
fell the morning of September 25, about the time Elwell 
was completing breakfast preparations. " The next night 
he recorded, after a windy day. "In the evening it be- 
came raw and still, with the stars sparkling distantly and 
without cheer. I pretty nearly froze all night long, -with 
underwear, 2 pr. socks and a sleeping bag.""'' 

"September 26: 1/2 inch snow at 5 a.m. Very chilly.... 
September 27:. ..The water was frozen stiff on the water 
bags and tank, while a deep frost covered the ground. It 


is ghastly to have to crawl out into the damp cold, ex- 
cept in my case I was equally frigid in bed."""- 

In the next few days the weather wanned slightly and 
the group moved from Allaman"s ranch towards the 
Tw aton ranch, and camped along Crazy Woman Creek."' 

By the evening of October 4th, three months into the 
project, tensions escalated between two of the men. 
Apparently "Dad"' and Wegeman were in disagreement 
over the location where a trunk was to be placed , either 
in a tent, or outdoors in the snow. A fight ensued and in 
the scuffle the bread, cocoa, and tomatoes were thrown 
from the stove, and Elwell dragged the men outdoors to 
attempt to settle their dispute. By the following morn- 
ing the matter was resolved, although the men were not 
speaking. Elwell noted "God speed Hoyt Gale!" in his 
diary, and hoped the return of the leader of the team 
would end the power struggle between the two men. ■" 

Apparently the men worked out their differences, as 
little ftirther mention is made in ElwelTs diary. The last 
two weeks of the diary show that at least part of the 
survey team spent a large portion of their time at vari- 
ous nearby ranches. The team divided to complete vari- 
ous tasks, and by Sunday, October 1 8, Elwell and "Dad" 
were staying in a hotel in Buffalo, preparing to leave the 
West. Elwell boarded a train bound for Lincoln. Ne- 
braska, in his final diary entry, on October 21, 1908. 

The abrupt ending of the diar\' leaves many questions. 
ElwelEs vivid descriptions of his trip West, and photo- 
graphs provide a glimpse into a few months of a young 
man's life, a scholar and an easterner in Wyoming in 
1908. The outdoors would play such a large part in 
ElwelEs later life during his years at the Mowglis-School- 
of-the-Open, that the reader of the diary must wonder 
what impact these early camping and outdoors experi- 
ences had on the young man, and the extent to which his 
time in Wyoming shaped his future and future plans. 

Unlike other tra\ elers to the West, El w ell did not travel 
West for his health, or to make his fortune, and his trip 
was not prompted b_\ romanticized notions of Western 

"Ibid.. .August 25, 1908. 
"-Ibid., August 26. 1908. 
"-•Ibid., September 1, 1908. 
"'Ibid., September 7, 1908. 
"'Ibid., September 8, 1908. 
""Ibid., September 10, 1908. 

"'Ibid., September 12-19, 1908; The Buffalo Bulletin. 3 Sep- 
tember 1908 p.2. 

'* Elwell Papers, September 21. 1908. 
""Ibid., September 24, 1908. 
''"Ibid., September 23-25, 1908. 
"Ibid., September 25-26, 1908. 
-Ibid., September 26-27, 1908. 
''Ibid., September 30, 1908. 
''Ibid.. October 4-5, 1908. 


Annals oi Wyoming: Tne Wyoming History Journal 

\lo\ ing down the line n u hai tlwtll tiikd this phoiw^i aph of the sw \e\ iig d) n en b\ 

Dad Beeklv El»ell papeis 

American Heritage Center. Universit}' of ^fyommg 

life and culture. While Elwell was an adventurer, he also 
clearly accepted the U.S.G.S. position as a temporary 
job, although he seemed to truly love the outdoors and 
his Western experience. 

Elwell earned his Master of Education degree in 1921, 
and his Doctor of Education degree in 1925, both from 
Harvard University. During his time at Harvard, Elwell 
began his involvement with the U.S. military, a career 
spanning twelve years before his retirement in 1948, 
including both World Wars. Elwell was appointed In- 
structor of Military Science in 1917 and commissioned 
captain of the U.S. Infantry the same year. He was pro- 
moted to major the following year, and Lieutenant Colo- 
nel of the Infantry Reserves in 1922. Although he re- 
signed from the Infantry in 1928 he was commissioned 
captain during World War 11 and continued to serve his 
country through 1948. 

Many years of EKvelEs adult life were devoted to 
Mowglis School-of-the-Open. Elwell commented on the 
experience, "As a teacher of boys, it became clear to me 
that the new field of summer camps had opportunities 
which neither the home nor school was ftilfilling. Thus 
my summers were spent at a camp for young boys, named 
Mowglis. Mr. Rudyard Kipling gave permission to use 
this name. For nearly fifty years I was with Mowglis, 
and for twenty-nine was its director."" 

Elwell married a second time in 1938. His wife was 
Helen V. Chaffee.'" Transcripts of his diary, made by 
his wife and her secretary, are available for research 
both at the American Heritage Center, University of 
Wyoming and at the Wyoming State Archives in Chey- 
enne. Duplicate photos made from Elwell's original nega- 
tives are also included in the collections, as are the origi- 
nal pages from Elwell's cookbook, comprised of articles 
and handwritten recipes. The cookbook pages were sepa- 
rated and the originals divided between both Wyoming 
archival facilities. 

Alcott Farrar Elwell died at the age of 76 in 1962, and 
was buried in Arlington National Cemetery. Shortly af- 
ter his death, the Mowglis School-of-the-Open was pur- 
chased by alumni of the camp and renamed the Holt- 
Elwell Memorial Foundation. The camp is still in op- 

'^ Fiftieth Anniversary Report of the Harvard Class of 1910, Cam- 
bridge, MA: The Cosmos Press, 1960, p. 138. 
'"Ibid., p. 136. 

The author is a Reference Archivist at the Ameri- 
can Heritage Center, University of Wyoming. She 
received her Master of Arts degree in American 
Studies from the University of Wyoming in 1998. 

Wyoming' Memories 

Circle up Four 

by Mary E. Neilsen 

Winners, square 
dance contest at the 
Buffalo Bill Cen- 
tennial celebration. 
Cody. Feb. 26. 
1946. L to R: Inga 
and Fred Mailer, 
Mary and Senius 
Neilsen. Irene and 
Willard Hogan. 
Effie and Harmon 

Author's collection 

Februar\. 1946. was the 100th anniversar\ of the birth 
otXody's founder. William F. "Buffalo Bill" Cody. The 
town celebrated in a big wa\'. After all-day ceremonies, 
the climax of the day was a dance held at the Cody Audi- 
torium. A crowd of close to 4.000 people enjoyed the 
square and round dancing, games of chance and buffalo- 

The opening attraction of the evening was a square dance 
contest with seven sets in action. Frank Pierce of 
Burlington was the caller and music was furnished by 
Tom Peterson and a Mr. HIavacek. both on violins; Matt 
Kansala, pianist: and his wife played accordion. The danc- 
ers displayed their prize-winning talent with the Sage 
Creek square dance club winning first place; the Boot 
and Bottle Riding Club, second; and Irma Flat club, third. 
The Sage Creek group donated their $50 first prize w in- 
nings to the Sage Creek Cominunity Club. 

The Sage Creek group consisted of neighbors Fred and 
Inga Moller. Senius and Mary [the author] Neilsen. Irene 
and Willard Hogan; and Effie and Harmon Schultz. The 
eight of us were attired in tum-of-the-centtiry clothes. We 
had fun even though it was hard work practicing and also 
finding authentic costumes. 

Soon after the event, our fame spread across the Big 
Horns. We were invited to an old-fashioned dance and 
quadrille contest to be held in Sheridan that June 8. Irene 
Hogan was ill so Martha and Harley Kinkade took the 
place of the Hogans. I was pregnant but still managed to 

squeeze into my very tight-waisted dress. We took off 
over the mountain via Shell Creek, stopping along the 
way to picnic in the canyon. 

Hundreds attended the dance that night. We won first 
prize for best costumes and square dance set and first for 
the couple traveling the farthest. Hamion and Eftle Schultz 
won for the best schottische; Senius and 1 for the best 
French minuet. The judges later told us that the\ espe- 
cially liked our old-fashioned swing as it was done in the 
earl\ west. Fred and Inga Moller actually had the best 
schottische but they didn't get the award because the judges 
had never seen the beautiftil Danish schottische that the 
Mollers did so well together. 

On our return to Cody, we were guests at the Cody 
Club. Cody's chamber of commerce. There, photogra- 
pher Fay Hiscock made the photograph of us (above). 

A month after this photograph was taken. I was in the 
hospital with polio. During mv recover) . I received a beau- 
tiful cut-glass vase w ith four red roses from the other three 
original couples. I recovered sufficientl_\ to teach, v\ith 
Senius, many square dance classes. My 4-H Square Dance 
group was in popular demand as e>diibition dancers around 
the area. Today, only three of us are still living — Inga, 
Martha and me — but our memories of those dances re- 
main vivid. 

The author, a former president of the Wyoming 
State Historical Society, lives in Cody. 

Book R 

e Views 

Edited hy Carl Hallterg 

Uphill Against Water: 

The Great Dakota Water War. 

By Peter Carrels. 

Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1999. 
238 pp.. Illustrations, maps, notes, index. Cloth. 
Reviewed by Daniel M. Davis, Utah State University 

Before the 1970s, the Bureau of Reclamation primarily 
constructed new dams and irrigation projects. After the 
1970s, the focus of the Bureau became maintaining the 
operating the various projects they had built. The Bureau and 
its supporters, however, were not happy to accept a 
diminishing role. After all, much of the economic 
de\elopment of the West after World War II was made 
possible from cheap electricity and water proxided by 
Bureau projects. By the late 1960s, however, the Bureau was 
running out of good reser\'oir sites and running into increased 
opposition from envir-onmentalists, fiscal conservatives, 
and local interests. This opposition continued to grow 
stronger during the 1970s as both the monetary costs of 
development and the social and environmental costs became 
too high. The subject of Carrels' book, the heated battle over 
the Oahe irrigation project in South Dakota, is an excellent 
example of the shift in water development policy in the West. 

Carrels documents the story of the Oahe project from the 
passage of the Flood Control Act, or Pick-Sloan Plan, in 1944 
to the de-authorization of the project in 1982. During that 
time a group of farmers, the people who would seemingly 
benefit the most from the project, successfully halted its 
completion. The project was supported by South Dakota 
politicians, businesses, contractors, and local boosters, but 
the more people (especially farmers) learned about the 
project, the more wary they became of it. This opposition 
started out on a small scale with meetings in an abandoned 

Later, farmers organized under the United Farm Families 
(UFF). The most vocal opponents were those who lost land 
to the reservoirs and canals of the project. The UFF, 
hov\e\er, would also build up a strong case against Oahe by 
questioning the irrigability of the soil, the high repayments of 
farmers, and the project's negative cost-benefit ratio. 
Environmentalists entered the fray by opposing the 
channelization of the James River. The project was stopped 
when the UFF gained control of the crucial sub-district 
conservancy board (an elected board that was traditionally a 
mouthpiece for the Bureau), and President Jimmy Carter 
came out against wasteful federal reclamation projects. 

Carrels' book is written in an interesting and straight- 
forward manner, and he does not "get in the way" of the 

story. Big water reclamation projects are extremely 
complicated. The engineering, political and legal com- 
plexities are truly mind-boggling. For instance, the entire 
project was held up for two years because South Dakota did 
not let out-of-state hunters hunt ducks or geese! Carrels does 
an admirable job of understanding these complexities and 
distilling them down to their essence for the reader. 

Carrels, however, shows his bias toward the UFF. (The 
UFF provided financial assistance for the book). The story is 
presented as a triumph of the "little guys" over "The 
Establishment." Both sides used seemingly questionable 
tactics, but those of the UFF are skimmed over while those of 
the Bureau are vigorously con-demned. The supporters of 
Oahe had reasons for what they did, and it would have been 
useful to fully explore their position. 

Overall the book makes a significant contribution to the 
history of reclamation and water policy. It should be 
considered important reading for students of South Dakota 

Yellowstone and the Great West: 

Journals, Letters, and Images from the 1871 

Hayden Expedition. 

Edited by Marlene Deahl Merrill. 
Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1999. 
336 pp.. Uliis.. maps, tables, notes, bib., index. Cloth. $29.95. 
Reviewed by Lendoi Calder, Augustana College, Rock 
Island, Illinois 

In this well conceived, beautifully produced volume, 
Marlene Deahl Merrill of Oberlin College presents the first 
daily account of Ferdinand Hayden's historic 1871 scientific 
expedition to the headwaters of the Yellow-stone and 
Missouri Rivers. Before Hayden's Fifth Survey, only a 
handful of white Americans had seen the fabled Yellowstone 
wonders with their own eyes. But after the Survey, which 
produced the first on-site images of the Yellowstone Basin 
by artist Thomas Moran and photographer William Henry 
Jackson, images of "America's Switzerland" came to be 
fixed indelibly in the national mind. The pictures, the 
paintings, and the crates of specimens hauled back east after 
the Survey helped Hayden convince Congress to make the 
Yellowstone Basin the world's first national park in 1872. 

Until now, what has been known about the 1871 
Yellowstone Survey has been based on published writings 
about the expedition by Hayden and Jackson. But as Merrill 
points out, these accounts are not without problems. 
Jackson's autobiographies were written well after the fact 



and are full of errors, while Hayden's official reports lea\e 
out much of the human story of the expedition. 

Fortunately, Merrill was able to locate two unpublished 
personal journals and a series of letters wruten m the field 
from tw members of the party. One of the journals belonged 
to Hayden's former teacher, geologist George Allen of 
Oberlin College. Fifty-eight years old, .Allen felt by turns 
inspired by the magnificent scenery and homesick for more 
pious company. F\cnt-ually, when the rigors of camp life 
pro\ed too much for him, Allen was forced \o turn back just 
shy of the expedition's destination. At just this moment, 
however, the spare accounts written by mineralogist Albert 
C. Peale became more engaging, so that a lively record of the 
team's daily work and activities continues to the end of the 
expedition. Peale, twenty-two years old, had been Hayden's 
student at the University of Pennsylvania and was the great- 
grandson of the Revolutionary War painter, Charles Willson 
Peale. Like Professor Allen, Peale offers an insider's view 
about the daily work and activities of the scientific party as 
they made their ways through Utah, Idaho, and Montana 
Territories to the \'ellowstone Basin. 

This volume has something for everyone. Scholars will 
learn that Hayden was not the superficial scientist he has 
sometimes been made out to be. The journal and letters 
presented here show him to have been a careful planner and 
leader of the expedition as well as an astute geologist who 
was thoroughly engaged in all scientific aspects of the 
Survey. Western enthusiasts will revel in the lively accounts 
about camp life, with references to natural wonders, Indians, 
and the hardships of roughing it. Modem visitors to 
Yellowstone Park will remark the similar emotion responses 
to experiences shared with the Sur\ ey expedition of more 
than a century ago - admiration for the geysers, astonishment 
at snow in August, shock at the high-priced vendors servicing 
visitors to the area. 

This book is obviously a labor of love and deserves the 
highest praise for the intelligent way it has been put to- 
gether. Merrill's introduction expertly acquaints readers 
with the West of the 1 870s, the history of human contact with 
the Yellowstone Basin, and the formation and outfitting of 
the survey team. Helpful maps make it easy to chart the 
expedition's progress. Appendices include biographies of 
the team's members, more writings from Peale and Allen, 
Hayden's Report to Congress arguing for the Yellowstone 
Park Bill, and a glossary of geological terms. Most 
pleasantly, the day-to-day life of the survey party, as well as 
numerous scenes described by the diarists, can be v isualized 
with the help of over fifty of William Henry Jackson's 
photographs of camp scenes and landscapes and rarely seen 
drawings of panoramic landscapes by Henry Ward Elliott, 
the survey's official artist. 

Merrill and the University of Nebraska Press are to be 
commended. This volume belongs on the shelf of everyone 
interested in Yellowstone National Park or in the larger story 
of how the geological surveys mixed science, government, 
and the lure of adv enture to create a vision of the West that 
endures today. 

A Dispatch to Custer: 

The Tragedy of Lieutenant Kidder. 

By Randy .lohnson and Nancy P. Allan. 

Missoula; Mountain Press Publishing Co., IW-). 

XI i + 1 19 pp. Illus.. maps, notes, bih.. index. Paper. Sl.\ 

Reviewed by Slaty W. Reaves, Oklahoma State University 

On July 1 2, 1 867, Bvt. Maj. Gen. Cieorge A. Custer and his 
troops, searching for Lt. Lyman Kidder and his men, arriv ed 
at a grizzly scene. Strewn across the prairie were the bodies 
of Kidder and his command. Kidder had joined the arm\ in 
1867. He was bom in Vemiont into a family with some 
means and political influence. His father had been lieutenant 
govemor of Vermont before the family moved in 1857 to St. 
Paul, Minnesota, where he continued his political career. 
Young Lyman Kidder, after completing his education, joined 
the Minnesota Mounted Rangers. In 1863 he gained his first 
experience fighting Native .Americans when he helped put 
down the Sioux uprising that threatened the state. 

Kidder joined the army in 1867. .After receiving an army 
commission that year and while he was en route to join a unit 
at Fort Laramie, Wyoming, Kidder stopped briefly at Fort 
Sedgwick, Colorado. There, rather than continue onto his 
assignment, he asked to join Company M of the Second U.S. 
Cav airy. This rce]uest receiv ed official approv al, and on June 
29 Kidder's company commander ordered him to deliver 
dispatches to Cuter, who was leading troops in the field. 
When Kidder arriv ed at the camp vv here Custer w as supposed 
to have been, he leamed that Custer and his men had de- 
parted. Two trails led away from the camp. Kidder chose to 
follow the trail leading to Fort Wallace, Kansas. Along this 
path Kidder and his men suffered an ambush at the hands of 
an unidentified tribe of Native .American warriors. Later, 
Custer, aware that Kidder had looked for him, searched for 
the missing command. Custer found the massacred party and 
concluded that Kidder and his men nev er had a chance. They 
had ridden directly into the trap that had been set for them. 

The authors of this work have focused upon the tragic end 
of Kidder's short career as an army officer. .As there was little 
specific information known about the death of Kidder and his 
command at the time it occurred, many mvths later 
surrounded the event. For example, the authors wished to 
dispel charges that Kidder's inexperienced or perhaps 
cowardice had caused him to blunder into the ambush. They 
concluded that Kidder had previous experience fighting 
Native Americans, and as a consequence, it was neither 
carelessness, cowardly behavior, nor inexperience that 
caused the massacre. Their extensiv e use of family papers 
and military records supports these conclusions. 

Furthermore, the authors suggested that this event had 
some considerable long-term importance, for it prompted the 
amiy to reexamine its strategy with respect to containing the 
native tribes. The new policy that evolved focused upon 
attacking the tribes during the winter when they were 
camped and food supplies were low. As a consequence of 
this strategic change, the army campaigned vigorously 
during the coldest times of the vear. One such attack on a 


Annals oi Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal 

tribe was that of Custer during November 1 867 upon Black 
Kettle's southern Cheyenne then camped along the Washita 
in Indian Territory. 

This work further explains the Kidder family's attempts to 
retrie\e the young officer's body, and it expresses white 
family reaction to the loss of a family members in the wars 
against the Native Americans. The authors also attempt to 
locate the massacre site by using metal detectors and amateur 
archeological methods. Perhaps they would ha\ e benefited 
from a perusal of the work of Douglas D. Scott and Richard 
A. Fox, Jr. whose study, Archeological Insiglns into the 
Custer Battle, established a professional methodology for 
such research. 

Nonetheless, this is a well-researched, interesting, and 
worthwhile study for anyone who w ishes to know more about 
the native Americans and the U.S. Army during the 
nineteenth centurv. 

The National Congress of American Indians: 
The Founding Years. 

By Thomas W. Cowger. 
Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1999. 
at; + 224 pp. II Ins.. notes, bib. essay, index. Cloth. S45. 
Reviewed by Clifford P. Coppersmith, Eastern Utah Col- 

In May 1944 prominent Indian leaders including D'Arcy 
McNickle, Archie Phinney, Ben Dwight, and Mark Bums 
met at a local YMCA on South LaSalle Street in Chicago to 
organize a new national Indian organization. That constitu- 
tional con\ ention resulted in the founding of the National 
Congress of American Indians (NC.41), one of the most vis- 
ible and effective pan-Indian organizations in American his- 

Cow ger examines the reality' of the continued surv ival of 
America's native peoples from an organizational as well as 
cultural perspective. He states that '"modem Indian concerns 
. . . are rooted in age-old Indian struggles. Bringing Indian 
actors onto the twentieth century stage allows us finally to 
drop the Indian headdresses and cop sticks and to see con- 
temporary Native Americans as Laurence Hauptman so aptly 
describes as 'warriors and briefcases.'" 

Thomas Cowger combines extensi\e archi\'al research with 
an ethnohistorical approach for a Native American perspec- 
tive on the development and achievements of the NCAI from 
1944 until the mid-1960s. That period reflects the crucial 
timing of American Indian leaders who sought to take ad- 
vantage of the positive aspects of Native American partici- 
pation in military service and work during World War II. 
The forces of change that accompanied the post-war years in 
America were felt in Indian Country as federal Indian policy 
retumed to a program of forced acculturation in which the 
government attempted to end its trust status with officially 
recognized Indian tribes. 

Cowger notes that the formatixe processes began with the 
Bureau of Indian Affairs Commissioner Dillon Myer's at- 
tempts in the early 1950s to restrict the ability of Native 

American tribal governments to contract for legal services 
with independent attorneys. That authoritarian move to en- 
force a policy of patemalism on independent tribal govern- 
ments presaged the larger move later in the decade to sever 
the trust relationship that protected Indian lands and pro- 
\ided economic development support and health and educa- 
tional services. 

The NCAI came of age as an effective lobbying group 
during the termination era using the classic techniques em- 
ployed by political pressure groups - lobbying members of 
Congress, orchestrating letter writing campaigns, conduct- 
ing press conferences, and meeting with individual political 
leaders. The challenge of termination also fundamentally 
altered the stmcture of the NCAI by moving the organiza- 
tion closer to the interests of organized and reservation based 
tribes rather than representing other Native American orga- 
nizations, groups, or individuals. At a time of near crisis in 
1954 Helen Louise (White) Peterson (Oglala Sioux) took over 
as executive director and played a key role by asserting In- 
dian rights and slowing the assimilationist movement. Her 
leadership underlined the contributions Native American 
women have made to the development of the NCAI. 

By the mid-1960s the threat posed by termination of In- 
dian sovereignty and cultural identity receded with the re- 
jection of the assimilationist approach by both the Kennedy 
and Johnson administrations, a major policy shift orches- 
trated by NCAI lobbyists. The NCAI now faced challenged 
from groups w ithin and without the organization. Factional- 
ism, which had been a problem since the early days, caused 
conflict and controversy in leadership. A new generation of 
activists, many of whom had begun their work on Indian 
civil rights as student members of the NCAI, formed more 
militant groups such as the National Indian Youth Council 
(NIYC) and the American Indian Movement (AIM). In a 
way their activism and dedication were a result of NCAI 
efforts to promote education among that very generation as 
a way for Native Americans to forge an independent path. 
These new activists were less willing to use the moderate 
methods employed by their elders and were more likely to 
take their protests to the streets and against visible targets of 
dissatisfaction such as the BIA and conservative Indian res- 
ervation politicians. 

The author's objective was to demonstrate how Indians 
pursued their own agenda to influence and even formulate 
state and federal Indian policy. The NCAI, in both success 
and failure, demonstrated the ability of Native American lead- 
ers to establish an agenda and develop an effective lobbying 
organization that represented a broad constituency with as 
much diversity as any political party or ethnic interest group 
in America might represent. 

Cowger is one of a number of modem scholars who have 
begun exploring the power and influence of American In- 
dian pan-tribal movements. His book illustrates the role pan- 
Indian and pan-tribal political organizations have played in 
contributing to Native American culture and tribal identity 
in the twentieth century and is a major contribution to twen- 
tieth century Native American historiography. 

Summer 2000 


Men With Sand: Great Explorers of the North Ameri- 
can West. 

By John Moring. 

Helena: Falcon Publishing Company. U)98. 

213 pp. lllus.. maps. bih.. index. Paper. SIO. OS. 

Reviewed by Julianne Couch. University of Wyoming 

Men with sand, men with ticks, men with malaria. Just 
about any noun suggesting hardship, bravery, and rock- 
headed perseverance would have made a nice title for this 
book about great 19"" century explorers. Saying that folks 
have "sand" describes their extra measure of grit and deter- 
mination, ingredients the explorers featured in this book ha\ e 
in great abundance. 

John Moring gives readers the highlights of 19"' century 
exploration of the Louisiana Territory and beyond. The chap- 
ters are organized in such a way that the historical and po- 
litical contexts are sometimes missing, which may be 
discombobulating to the average reader's recollection of how 
the west was explored. Still, Alexander Mackenzie's cross 
country Canadian search for the longed-for Northwest Pas- 
sage, Lewis and Clark's commercial and scientific mission, 
and other stories are told in matter-of-fact prose that needs 
no embellishments to impress the reader with the phNsical 
and psychological hardships endured by these leaders and 
their mostly loyal and disciplined men (and a few women). 

In 1 804, Lewis and Clark had orders from Thomas Jefferson 
to explore the just-purchased Louisiana Territory for its com- 
mercial possibilities. But they were also sent to become ac- 
quainted vMth the natives and to learn about their cultures. 
These encounters were peaceful and sometimes beneficial 
to the Corps of Discovery. As the century progressed, white 
exploration became less motivated by science and adventure 
and increasingly intluenced by the commercial and military 
necessities of the United States. The white's view of Native 
Americans as commercial partners diminished. Bad blood 
made each visit west more harrowing. Kindness and coop- 
eration of the sort that saved the Corps of Discovery, be- 
came a thing of the past. 

One is glad to have a break from the book's grizzly bear 
attacks, scalp-taking, and starxalion-laden adventure tales 
of John Colter, Zebulon Pike, Jedediah Smith, and others to 
join Charles Wilkes on a sea voyage. But of course, this 
journey which began in 1838 had its own hardships, includ- 
ing losing a ship with all hands while rounding the lip of 
South America, risking being sunk by icebergs near .Antarc- 
tica, dealing with intense dislikes and rancor between com- 
mander and men, and enduring serious attacks by Fijian na- 
tives. A year behind schedule, the expedition reached the 
coast and interior of Oregon Territory \ia Puget Sound. 

Illustrations and maps within each chapter make the book 
easy to read. During the 19"^ century .Americans were en- 
grossed in reading the accounts about these explorers and 
their gutsy men who pushed, pulled, portaged, starved, ne- 
gotiated, and fought their way across the every widening 
young country. These stories are as compelling today. Great 
surprises for science, vigorous debates over how best to use 

the nation's expanding territory, and tales of courage unfet- 
tered by reason but fanned by adventure, fill even most arm- 
chair explorers, yesterday and today, with a speck of sand. 

Charlie Russell Roundup: Essays on America's 
Favorite Cowboy Artist. 

Edited by Brian W. Dippie. 

Helena: Montana Historical Society Press. 1999. 

35^ pp. lllus.. -notes, index. Cloth. $39.95: paper. SI 9. 9? 

Reviewed /»i' Ron Tyler, Texas State Historical Association. 

Cniversit}- of Texas at .Austin 

Charles Marion Russell is one of the best-known .Ameri- 
can Western artists. Today, he is associated with Montana, 
but that was not where he began life. The migration of the 
untutored and naturally gifted artist and story-teller from his 
birth among the St. Louis well-to-do to his true lo\e. the 
mountains of Montana, at age sixteen is. as Brian \V. Dippie, 
professor of history at the University of Victoria. British 
Columbia, and well-known Russell scholar. sa\s. a "story 
that has been told so often that it has attained the sheen of 
well-wom leather, and all the trappings of myth." 

Myth, in fact, turns out to be the problem in trying to un- 
derstand what motivated Russell and how he mo\ ed from 
being a belo\ ed "cowboy artist" who traded freshly painted 
oils of his friends for drinks at the local bar to an artist with 
an international reputation, whose paintings sold for "dead 
man's prices." Nancy Russell, who survived her husband by 
almost fourteen years, would have had it be otherwise. 
Shortly after Russell's death, she arranged to sell their house 
to the city of Great Falls for a memorial and employed the 
journalist Dan R. Conway to vvnte Charlie's biography. When 
Conway failed to produce a publishable manuscript, Nancy 
began work on what she hoped would he the detlnitiv e ac- 
count about her husband's life. She also assisted James B. 
Rankin in his effort to gather infonnation that might lead to 
a biography. 

But it was these efforts that prevented knov\ledgeable 
Russell biographers such as Harold McCracken and Frederic 
G. Renner from telling the full story. When Nancv died in 
1940, much of the art in her collection and virtually all the 
letters and research materials that she had assembled fell into 
the hands of Homer F. Britzman, who used them to produce 
what another would-be Russell biographer J. Frank Dobie of 
Texas called a "bum biographv." The Russell letters and 
other materials wound up in the Taylor Museum for South- 
western Studies at the Colorado Springs Fine Arts Center, 
where they were only recently the source for a spate of Russell 
books bv Peter Hassrick. Rick Stewart, Brian Dippie. and 
John Taliaferro. 

In the meantime, the mvths had little competition m ex- 
plaining Charlie's genius and widespread appeal: the green- 
horn from St. Louis riding in the "vv ide-open" Judith Basin 
roundup (in fact, "the Judith roundup was a tame affair" (p. 
6)); the budding artistic genius drawing inspiration by living 
with the Blood Indians during the winter of 1888-89 (in fact. 
he spent six months in 1 888 liv ing w ith a friend in a rustic 


Annals or Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal 

cabin near the Indian reservation (p. 8)). Some myths, how- 
ever, are based on fact: Charhe did develop a deep respect 

for Indians and pictured them, according to Renner. more 
frequenth' than his more famous cowboys. He did have a 
soft heart, and it was Nancy's organization and business acu- 
men that earned him respect among publishers, dealers, and 
public alike. And he was an unreconstructed sentimentalist 
who "li\es in the past," as Nancy explained to the Great 
Falls Women's Club (p. 184). His "allegiance remained, 
unambiguously, to the past." reiterates Dippie (p. 27). 

Dippie and others are able to bring these latter myths into 
focus in this gem of a book. Using contemporary newspaper 
articles, reminiscences by friends and family, scholarly ar- 
ticles, and Russell's own words, Dippie weaves an enter- 
taining and belie\able account about the "cowboy artist." 
John C. Ewer's analysis of Russell's Indians, Taliaferro's 
account about how he came to write the first full-length bi- 
ography of Russell, and Lee Silliman's studied evaluation of 
Russell's "style," like most of the articles in this book, are 
reprinted from Montana. They do much to con'ect many of 
the misimpressions, but Dippie's editorial presence deser\es 
much of the credit as well, for, by his judicious sifting of 
materials, he has told Charlie Russell's story elegantly, au- 
thoritati\ely. and entertainingly. 

The Equality State: Essays on Intolerance and 
Inequality in Wyoming. 

Edited by Mike Mackey. 

Powell; Western History Publications, 1999. 

Hi + 122 pp. Notes, index. Paper. SI 0.95. 

Reviewed by David A. Wolff, Black Hills State University 

Mike Mackey brings together seven essays to explore this 
question: "Is Wyoming truly the "Equality State?'" As 
straightforward as this question seems, it can be \iewed from 
two different perspectives. The first is the obvious. Does 
Wyoming deserve to be called the Equality State because all 
residents ha\e been treated equally? This is the question 
that Mackey addresses, and he puts his answer in the subtitle 
of the text. He says these are "Essays on Intolerance and 
Inequality." The second take on the question is compara- 
tive in nature. Does Wyoming deserve to be called the Equal- 
ity State because it made more advances in freedoms and 
rights than other states? Mackey does not directly address 
this idea, but some inference can be made from the various 

The seven essays easily convince the reader that a number 
of minority groups suffered from discrimination in Wyoming. 
These groups included ethnic and racial minorities, women, 
and religious sects. Few of the essays, however, attempt 
solely to show intolerance and inequality. Most were writ- 
ten with other points in mind. For example, Charles Rankin's 
essays consider not only the inequality women schoolteach- 
ers felt, but also what school teaching offered women and 
how inequality affected the public school system. He ex- 
plores the inferior pay, the loneliness, and the humiliation 

many teachers experienced. Carol Bowers takes the often- 
told saga of the Rock Springs Massacre and looks at it from 
a different angle. Certainly the killing of 28 Chinese in Rock 
Springs demonstrated racism, but her essay explores Gover- 
nor Warren's actions after the crisis. She argues that War- 
ren responded on behalf of the Union Pacific in exchange 
for the railroad's support in resolving land title disputes and 
to maintain his position as Territorial Governor. 

The other essays also have messages beyond simply dem- 
onstrating injustice in Wyoming society. Steve Schulte ex- 
amines how politicians exploited the Indian issue and devel- 
oped some of the main theses in Indian relations, such as 
acquisition of Indian land. Carl Hallberg explores anti-Ger- 
man sentiment during World War I, a case of intolerance 
that is often forgotten in history. Hallberg finds that 
Wyoming's United States Attorney General Charles Rigdon 
often acted with patience and understanding. At the local 
level, however, many Wyomingnites were not tolerant of 
German traditions, and effectively eliminated German cul- 
ture from the state. In the most recent example of prejudice, 
Clifford Bullock writes about the dismissal of 14 black ath- 
letes from the Wyoming football team in 1969. The men 
tried to protest Brigham Young University's anti-black atti- 
tudes when Coach Eaton cut them from the squad. The coach 
explained his action as disciplinary, and much of the state 
rallied to his cause. Bullock demonstrates how a distinct 
undertow of racism pervaded the issue. 

Finally, Mackey rounds out the volume with two essays of 
his own. One deals with Japanese internment at Heart Moun- 
tain. Here he explores the community dynamics that sur- 
rounded the displaced Japanese. While merchants and farm- 
ers in the Powell area often welcomed the labor and con- 
sumer dollars the Japanese brought to town, some local poli- 
ticians demonstrated a deeper racism as they attempted to 
keep the Japanese confined to the camp. Mackey's other 
essay talks about the harassment of Jehovah's Witnesses 
experienced in Rawlins as the country neared World War II. 

Each essay makes it clear that many Wyomingites were 
intolerant at one time or another. But it must be kept in 
mind that Wyoming did not stand alone among Western 
states. In fact, most of the essays were written as case stud- 
ies. They examine the problems at a state level to allow for 
a regional understanding. This then applies to the notion of 
whether Wyoming deserves to be called the Equality State 
when it is compared to other states. The essays infer that 
Wyoming's problems existed in other states, and they did. 

I enjoyed these essays. When I taught Wyoming history, I 
used the technique of challenging the Equality State label to 
make students consider the state's past. Mackey's book does 
a fine job demonstrating the problem residents of the state 
have had with implementing equality. In fact, I wold prob- 
ably assign the book if I taught the class again. Neverthfe 
less, I would emphasize the positive as well. 

Attention Authors: If you submitted an article to Annals 
in the past six months and the receipt of the article has 
not been acknowledged, please contact the editor imme- 

Wyoming Picture 

"Center Street. Caiirt House in Disliince. Casper, Wyoming." postcard fnun about WI'^. Postcard courtesy of 
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The ^^omin^ History Journal 
Autumn 2000 Vol. 72; No. 4 


™, ^^i 

' -?^@'--..,,. 




. ..j^ai»te i4^. i i;,Wi»: j: ■• 





*■ Tt-' 


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On the Cover 

''Camp on Tongue River" 

The cover illiistjrition isasketchfi-om the 186~ Robert Dinilap 
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Book Review Editor 

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Editorial Advisory Board 
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Macel Brown, Newcadtie/Cneyenne 
Micnael ]. Devine, Laramie 
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Loren Joat, Riverton 
David Katkka, Roce Springs 
Jonn D- McDermott, Sneridan 
Skerry L. Smitn, Mooge 
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^^oming State Historical t?ociety 
Publications Committee 

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Wyoming State Historical S'ociety 

Executive Committee 
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Patty Myers, 2n£l \'ice Prea., Platte Co, 
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AX^oming Dept. oi State Parks and 
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nnals of 


Tne Wyoming History Journal 

Autumn 2000 Vol. 72, No. 4 

Baseballically Speaking 

Bv Betty Anne Johnson. 

Tne Gatcnells: Frontier Newspapermen 

By Gil Bolliner 12 

Robert Dunlap Clarke: 

Diarist on the Bozenian Trail 

By Eric J. Harmon 18 

Wyoming People 

Marvin Lord Bishop Sr. , Pioneer Sheep Rancher 

By Jeiierson Glass 


Wyoming Pictur^ L.|..B-R. ARV Insid 


? Back Cc 

JUN - 4 ?00! 


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Society in association with the Wyoming Department ofCommerce. the .Amencan Heritage Center, and the 
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Our website address is; http: wv\w. .A&S history whjoum.htm 

Copyright 2000, Wyoming State Historical Societj' 

ISSN: 1086-7368 


By Betty Anne Johnson 

Later, Bovvers ^^ould say that he didn't 
kno^w ^w^hat possessed him ^rhen he thre^w 
that lemon over third base. It ^was the 
Fourth o€ July, 19139 and the day o€ the big 
fight bet^veen Cody and Po^rell fans on the 
Po^vell baseball diamond. Cody ^^as at bat 
^w^ith runners on second and third and two 
men out. HoM^ard Bow^ers, the cashier at 
the First State Bank in Po^rell ^ras playing 
catcher and had been sucking on a lemon to 
keep his mouth from getting dry. He ^rent 
into his crouch and the first pitched ball 
smacked into his mitt. Suddenly, Bo^rers 
extracted the lemon from his shirtf ront 
^vhere he had stored it and tossed it high 
over third base. 







Annals or Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal 

E\eryone ran, the third base runner being tagged out 
at home plate. When realization of the fraud permeated 
the crowd, they "flocked to the diamond in a mad rush 
and conditions looked decidedly favorable for a riot."' 
The fistflghts and tongue-lashings continued all after- 
noon- and the worst part was that umpire Pyatt had to 
call off all of the bets.' 

Powell. Wyoming, was a small boomtown that had 
sprung up in 1909 at the center of the Shoshone Irriga- 
tion Project, a federally funded reclamation project fed 
by water dammed behind the Shoshone Dam near the 
town of Cody. Severt Ambrose Nelson, or S. A. as he 
referred to himself, was a young married man of 30, 
well educated as an attorney and journalist. He had 
started a newspaper career in Cody as owner and editor 
of the Cody Enterprise, and then moved to neighbor- 
ing Powell to found the Powell Tribune. S. A. didn't 
just edit the newspaper; he actually wrote it in its en- 
tirety each week, beginning in March of 1909 and for 
the most part, the surviving details we have of PowelTs 
early days are recorded in S. A.'s writing voice. Ideal- 
istic, observant, and witty, he proved to be a powerful 
force in shaping the future of the town of Powell and 
the Shoshone Project. 

From the beginning, S. A. revealed his primary in- 
tention with the newspaper... 
that of building a commu- 
nity. He was a "Booster" not 
a "Knocker" and while edi- 
tor of the newspaper, he was 
seemingly everywhere, ex- 
horting, uplifting, cajoling, 
teasing, admonishing, envi- 
sioning, encouraging.... In 
his first editorial upon estab- 
lishing the newspaper, he 
stated: "The uniform and 
unvarying policy of this pa- 
per shall be to boost in sea- 
son and out for Powell and 
all that in our judgment will 
make for the best interest of 
this entire community."'* 

Of course, S. A. had to 
sell newspapers, too, and 
advertised the price of a sub- 
scription at "one year, 
$2.00; six months $1.00; 
three months, 50 cents." He 
added, "Now don 't all 
come at once, for of all 
thinss to avoid.... sudden 

wealth thrust unexpectedly upon the average western 
editor is the absolute limit of unspeakable human de- 
pra\ it\ ." The first year in operation, the newspaper was 
"scarcely even self-supporting" and he would struggle 
to make ends meet by selling insurance and handling 
real estate transactions." 

But everyone struggled during the early days on the 
Project, townsmen and homesteaders alike, and S. A. 
would disarm his readers by poking fun at what he didn't 
have. While his wife served as president of the Library 
Club, he announced the next meeting, which was to be 
held at his house, with the following proviso to the 

Be N'ery careful not to soil the Persian rugs, mar 
the mahogany furniture or othervv ise in any manner 
do \ iolence to the costly and very elegant appoint- 
ment of our costly and very elegant country resi- 
dence... P. S. The ladies will also please keep off the 

One means that the editor man used to both promote 
community spirit and sell newspapers was through the 
sport of baseball. As early as 1909 when the town it- 
self consisted of no more than a half dozen wooden 
frame structures and only 25 or so settlers had filed on 
homesteads, Powell had its own baseball team. S. A. 

was there at every game and 
it is clear from reading his re- 
ports of these early games, all 
of which made the front page 
of the newspaper, that a pick- 
up game on a dusty patch of 
desert in remote Wyoming 
was just as exciting to him 
as a big city game between 
professional teams. And as 
sports editor, S. A.'s playful 
writing would immortalize 
= all of the improbable and 
£ zany details of these early 
5 games. 

5 ' Cody Enterprise, July 5, 1913 

S ' Tom Wilder, shortstop, inter- 

f, view in the Powell Tribune, 

^ 1959 Anniversary Edition. 

p' ' Coily Enterprise, Jul> 5,1913 

^ ^ Powell Tribune. March 13, 

^ 1909 

"5 ' Robert Koelling, First Na- 

— tional Bank of Powell: The His- 

^ toiy of a Bank, a Community 

i and a Family. (Cody: 

o Yellowstone Printing and De- 

^ sign, 1997. 


Autumn 2000 

The first recorded information about the local base- 
ball team is found in the April 24, 1909. issue of the 
Powell Tribune. It was the season opener. The Powell 
team was an eclectic mixture of homesteaders from all 
parts of the United States, townsmen and United States 
Reclamation Service (USRS) employees. In these early 
days of the Project, there was no artificial division be- 
tween hoinesteaders and townsmen, for inost of the 
businessmen in tow n also owned homestead units. The 
USRS was a different story, however. 

Powell was the USRS headquarters for the Shoshone 
Project and the USRS staff consisted of a handful of 
relatively high-ranking supervisors and officials as well 
as crews of sunburned, muscular construction work- 
ers. The USRS was intent on reco\ering the costs of 
construction of the dam and iirigation works and ten- 
sion soon arose between the homesteaders and the 
USRS over payments. On the baseball field, how e\ er, 
these tensions were forgotten. For the season opener, 
the Superintendent of the Reclamation Bureau. C. M. 
.lump, or "Jumpy" as he was known.^serNcd as umpire 
and the foe was a "bunch of sluggers'" from the Recla- 
mation Service Ralston camp. The game v\ as close and 
exciting, Ralston winning b\ a score of 7 to 6. 

The Powell pla\ers then decided to formalK orga- 
nize a team and selected C. P. MacGlashan, owner of 
the local mercantile store, as the manager. Settler .iohii 
Steinbarger was elected captain, and fundraisers were 
appointed for "north of the tracks, south of the tracks 
and in town.'"" The Powell Drug Store, owned by Dr. 
F. H. Sturgeon, contributed b\ bu>ing a complete set 
of unifomis for the regular team." 

Most of the early games were spontaneous pickup 
games between teams selected from the town of Powell 
and nearby homestead units. Any criteria for team se- 
lection was acceptable, the more whimsical the better. 
For example, why not the "north of the trackers"" ver- 
sus the "south of the trackers'"'^ .Another match-up pit- 
ted the married men against the single men. The Powell 
Tribune published two letters on the front page, the 
tlrst, a challenge b\ "A Bachelor" and the second, an 
acceptance by "A Married Man." The bachelor letter 
stated that seems that some of the Benedicts think that be- 
cause they once pla\'ed ball, and the\' may ha\ e been 
all right in their time, can still show us something 
about the game... the_\ ought to be satisfied u ith push- 
ing the perambulator around the block instead of still 
desiring to run bases... We do not want you to think 
for a moment that we are taking this opportunity to 
advertise the fact that we are single men looking for 
a home, but we can undoubtedly play better ball if 
all the eligible young ladies would attend this game. 

The married man's letter retorted: 

Your most recent consignment of hot air has 
reached its destination and is now before me. My. 
llrst impulse is to ignore the disturbance altogether. 
The \ery idea of you guys ha\ ing the. face to issue a 
challenge of this sort! Wh_\ in Sam llill don "t _\ou 
go out and get a reputation before \ou come buttin' 
in on people whose position in baseball is recog- 
nized the world over? .... We accept the challenge.. 
You are on, little boys; you are on.... Well, well, this 
is the easiest hacon we ha\e run across in many a 
da\ . Oh my, oh m\; jusi like getting iiione_\ from 
home. .Most atTectionatcly. .A Married Man. 

For the game itself. S. A. reported that "the married 
moguls beat the single slainboosticators 3 1 to 1 4" stat- 
ing, tongue in cheek, that 

both sides played a nuinher of real ballpla\ers. which 
was of course contrary to the niles. and should not 
ha\e been allowed. It was the understanding from 
the start that .lump. C'liarlex Pratt. .Albert 
Loftsgaarden, and the Tribune editor were barred 
because of acknow ledged prowess and superior abil- 
it\ all along the line...""' 

As the town grew, one of the most popular contests 
was the annual fund-raiser sponsored b\ the Presb\ te- 
rian Church's Ladies Aid Societ\. Here the "Fats" 
battled the "Leans" in a baseball game featuring promi- 
nent businessmen in the town including doctors, den- 
tists, merchants and bankers. Good-natured ribbing 
accompanied the yearly selection of the members for 
each of these teams, as inevitably fonner "Leans" play- 
ers became "Fats" pla\ers while the reverse progres- 
sion seemed never to occur. Sanford, the Project irri- 
gation manager, took a photograph of the Fats team, 
\ ictorious in one battle that took place in one hundred 
degree heat, the Tribune remarking that "the courage it 
took for the Fats to hold out against their skinn\ oppo- 
nents would be to the Fats everlasting credit." 

The most spirited contests, howe\ er. were between 
the Powell Giants and the Powell Cubs. The Giants 
were loosely designated as the tlrst-string Powell club 
(and owned the onh set of unifomis) while the Cubs 
w ere their closeh matched ri\ als. These contests drew 
200 to 500 spectators each and S. A. and other towns- 
men quickh' noted the potential financial benefit from 

' Powell Tribune. 1959 Anni\ersary Edition. 46. 
^ Powell Tribune. May 7, 1909 
■" Powell T-ibune. Ma\ 29. 1 909 
"Powell Tribune. JiiK 21. 1911 

Annals or Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal 

"Fats" Baseball Team, viciors in I'-^N- The Ladies Aid Soetet}' of the Presbyterian Church sponsored ati annual 
fundraiser, pitting the 'Fats' against the 'Leans.' Homesteaders, businessmen, doctors, and dentists joined in. This 
photo iiYVJ- on display at the Buffalo Bill Dam I 'isitor 's Center. 

promoting this rivalry.'" A committee of three, M. L. 
Pratt, Dr. J.D. Lewellen, and S.A. himself, were cho- 
sen by the Powell Outdoor Amusement Company to 
arrange for leasing land from the Reclamation Service 
for a ball diamond and building a "monster grandstand" 
in time for the 1910 Fourth of July celebration." These 
decisions were made the week of June II, 1910, and 
amazingly, the "monster grandstand" was indeed in 
existence by the celebration on the Fourth. The build- 
ing plans were jotted down, a dance and basket social 
accomplished fundraising, and eager hands volunteered 
for the construction. The grandstand went up in a Hash, 
and would survive five harsh Wyoming winters before 
being blown down in a windstonn. 

The 1910 Fourth of July celebration was Powell's 
first organized celebration as a town. The baseball game 
was widely advertised as the match-up that would de- 
cide which team would be the official Powell first-string 
team. Therefore, the ultimate prize for the winners was 
to be inheritance of the Giants uniforms. If the Cubs 
were to win the game, 

the whole outfit goes to them (the Cubs) without de- 
lay and it is announced that in si'ch event immediate 
demand will be made upon the Giants for the afore- 
said uniforms to the end among others that a parade 

may be indulged in by the \ictorious insurgent gang 
of ball tossers! 

With this in mind, two players on the Giants team 
promptly deserted and planned to appear as Cubs for 
the day. 

The weather for the game was glorious, the weather- 
man "doling out huge chunks of Wyoming sunshine." 
S. A. estimated the attendance for the celebration at 
large at around 1,000.'- The Cubs showed up with a 
markedly altered team roster, having recruited several 
players from the Reclamation Service concrete crew at 
Ralston. Now, sentiment, which was already leaning 
toward the Cub side, completely shifted and "Cub 
stock... now fairly soared" reflecting the nature of the 
spectator betting that day. Later, S. A. would describe 
the contest as follows: 

For nearly two years have the Cubs and Giants, 
rival baseball organizations, battled for supremacy 
in the local field. Scores of times have these an- 
cient and chronic enemies locked horns upon the 
local field with the inevitable result of victory for 

'" Powell Tribune, May 28, 1910 
" Powell Tribune, June II, 1910 
'- Powell Tribune, July 9, 1910 



the Giants. The chmax was reached in a veritable 
battle royal on July 4th. 'We'll eat 'em up alive,' 
said the mighty Gates. 'Wait and see,' said Johnny 
Keys. 'We 're from Missouri,' said Manager Pratt. 
Excitement ran high; hea\y wagers were laid; each 
team had its loyal following and backers quite a 
plenty. After the smoke of battle had cleared away it 
was apparent to all that once more did \ ictor\ perch 
upon the banners of the husky Giants. 

The Giants had won again, I 1 to 9. but onl\ clinch- 
ing the game in the last half of the 9th inning.'" 

Proof positive that the Tribune's sports column could 
sell newspapers came in the mail as the sports editor's 
writing fame spread internationally: 

Dear Sir: 1 ha\ e just read in your bright and breezy 
journal of the 1 1th inst., an interesting paragraph 
about the great baseball match between the Cubs and 
the Giants to be played on 13th of .'\ugust. I await 
with the interest of an old sportsman the result of the 
momentous contest and enclose what 1 think will 
meet the expense of a copy of your paper. Good luck 
to both teams and may the best win. May Powell 
prosper. Yours sincerely, Jim Cane. 21 Lombard St., 
London, England. 

Attempts were soon made to organize a league, and 
teams from the neighboring towns of Cody, Lovell and 
Cow le\ were invited to join. The idea w as to charge an 
admission fee so that travel expenses for the teams could 
be covered, with a small purse given to the winning 
team of each game.'^ 

Arrangements for games betv\ een neighboring towns 
were made by telephone. Lovell showed up to play a 
game against Powell having been transported in two 
large automobiles and making the 25-mile journey in 
"railroad time." It was fortunate for Powell that the 
game was rained out, because the score at the end of 
the first inning was 7 to 1 in fa\or of Losell. C. P. 
MacCilashan "rustled around and gathered up all the 
extra rain coats in town to supply the boys with on 
their return trip to Lovell."" The return game, Powell 
visiting Lovell, was not nearly as lop-sided, with Lovell 
winning by a score of 8 to 5. MacGlashan, the man- 
ager, "took in the game in a straw hat of approved fash- 
ion and a ftir overcoat" despite the fact that the w eather 
conditions for the day were "high w ind and dusty."'" 

'■ PoM-cll Tribune, .luly Id. l^)|l) 
" Powell Tnbime. May 22, 1400 
' Powell Tribune. June 5. l^QQ 
'" Powell Tribune. June 12, 1Q09 



Powell's baseball ^rainislaiul was dubbed the "monster grandstand" by S. A. Nelson. The baseball grandstand 
could be found on Second Street, about where the .Ma.sonic Hall i.s located in Powell now. The batter has hit a fly 
ball and i.s running down the first base line toward the photographer. The pitcher is watching the fielders retrieve 
the ball. 

Annals oi W/oming: Tne Wyoming History Journal 

Neighboring Cowley had a good team. Because it 
was difficult to arrange practices around the homestead- 
ers" long work days, some of whom had to travel sub- 
stantial distances into town, S. A. was hopeful that raw 

A swing and a miss by a batter during a game in Cody. Note the ball near the batter 's right knee. 
The red schoolhouse on the right stood about where the IVynoma Thompson Auditorium is now 

talent alone would carry the home team against this 
out-of-town team, stating "while our boys have had no 
opportunity as yet to work out or even try out new 
material, there is nevertheless much ground for hope 
that the initial game of the season will result in victory 
for the home boys."'" But the locals were defeated with 
a score so lopsided, that S. A. refused to report it, in- 
stead blaming Haley's Comet for the disaster.'" 

Powell's out-of-town archrival, however, was neigh- 
boring Cody. Cody was older and larger and with more 
baseball talent to draw upon, regularly crushed the 
Powell team. Finally, new pitching talent moved into 
Powell, Demoling "a southpaw with speed to bum and 
a variety of curves" and who was described by S. A. as 
the "Moses who will and must lead us safely out of the 
wilderness in the midst of which the noble boys of last 
year became so hopelessly entangled."''' S. A. helped 
craft the composition of the Powell team, applauding 
the work of most of the members but also commenting 
after one defeat that "at least one or two [members], so 
our information goes, made simply elegant showing as 

candidates for the scrap heap, baseballically speaking."-" 

In addition to Demoling, the Giants recruited the 

Anderson brothers, who had distinguished themselves 

for the Cubs in the 1910 July Fourth game. The next 

few regular 
games show 
scores favor- 
ing the Gi- 
ants. Finally 
the Giants 
had a team 
with the po- 
tential to 
Cody. Great 
fanfare ac- 
^ the prep- 
o aration for 
^ the next 
■5 P o w e 1 1 - 
^. C o d y 
5 matchup. 
■^ Cody fans 
- chartered a 
special train 
to Powell, 
selling 1 13 
tickets for 
the special excursion. Powell's newly formed concert 
band met the Cody team at the depot and escorted them 
to the diamond where finally Powell won one, beating 
Cody 4 to 2, in a game played with the talent of "big 
leaguers."-' "Invincible Giants Win Fastest Game Ever 
Played in This Section" blared the Powell Tribune while 
the Cody Enterprise conceded that "Powell has a splen- 
did aggregation of ball tossers and moreover something 
Cody has not got~a fine baseball park." 

A return game, scheduled for the next day, had spe- 
cial excursion tickets sold at $ 1 each, but was not played 
because the railroad bridge between Cody and Powell 
burned down the morning of the scheduled game. It 
was speculated that the outbound morning train cast 
off burning cinders, which started the fire. A terrible 
wreck was averted when J. A. Fleming noted the smoke 

" Powell Tribune, May 21, 1910 
'* Powell Tribune, May 28, 1910 
" Powell Tribune, June 4, 1910 
-" Powell Tribune, June 25, 1910 
-' Powell Tribune, August 20, 1910 

Autumn 2000 

It is hereby agreed by and betvreen 
the Cody and Powell baseball teams 
that said teams are to play July 4, 
1911, on the Powell diamond for a 
purse of two hundred ($200) dollars, 
winner take all. Said purse of $200 
Is hereby guaranteed on behalf of 
Powell and the committee in charge 
of the Powell celebration. Messrs. 
Starkey and Looniis shall umpire the 
gajue. Game to be called not later 
than 3 o'clock p. m. 

This agreement signed at Powell, 
Wyoming, this 22nd day of June, 

Powell Base Ball Team 
By M. L. Pratt, Mgr. | 

Cody Baseball Team I 

By Jno. T. Murr&y, j 

W. L. Simpson. 

lated Cody prevailed, thus providing fuel for a rivalry that would 
extend to the baseball field (and all other sports) from that day to 

When the Demolings left toun for a lower altitude.-' the (iiants 
once again lost every single game. But no losses were more irritat- 
ing than the losses to Cody, Powell fans having relentless oppor- 
tunity to be irritated. 

Locals Drop One to Cody: Final results make a noise about as 
follows. Cody 9, Powell 2 — dammit!" Beats the very old Harry 
how them county seat guys do wallop it to us anyway. Only a 
short time ago they put across the iniquitous court house bond 

DespUe the fact that Powell had lost e\ er\ game to Cod\ so far 
m the season, S. A. predicted that Powell would win against the 
Cody team, invited for Powell's second 4th of July celebration.-^ 

It was the 13 5th anniversary of the nation and Powell had planned 
its biggest celebration to date. The keynote of the program, which 
had taken on regional proportions, was the baseball game between 
Codv and Powell. Unfortiuiateh, Powell \\asthorou^hl\ trounced. 

This ad guaraulecil the purse 
to the victor in the Fourth of 
July baseball matchup. Powell 
Tribune. June 24. 1^11. 

-- Powll Tnhiine, August 27. 1010 
-- Powell Tribune, October 10. 1^10 
-' Powell Tribune, .lime 24. lOH 

and investigated in time to get 
a message flagging down the 
next train. -- 

By 1911, county lines were 
redrawn, leaving Cody and 
Powell as the two major com- 
merce centers in the new 
county of Park. Cod\ was soon 
designated the county seat, and 
as a county courthouse was 
needed, voters were asked to 
approve a $45,000 bond to 
build a substantial structure .§• 
there. S. A., a fiscal conser- ^. 
vative, thought this sum an ex- ^ 
cessive amount to spend on a ^ 
building and fought the bond f 
issue with all the power in his Q 
pen. Largely because of his "| 
writing on the issue, the bond 
was defeated in the Powell pre- 
cincts but more heaviK popu- 

The Cody baseball team prepares to travel by tram from the Cody depot. Milward 
Simpson, IVvoming governor from 1954-58. is the batboy in the center front row. 


Annals oi Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal 

No details about this game would appear in the Powell 
Tribune, S. A. adamantly declaring 

All reports to the contrary notwithstanding, we as- 
sert most emphatically that there was absolutely no 
ball game played here on 
July 4th. False and mis- 
leading rumors to the ef- 
fect that we actually did 
have all exhibition of the 
great national game 
should be and are hereby 
denounced as utterly 
without any foundation 
in fact whatsoever. 

The Cody Enterprise, 
however, ran a front page 
article, crowing 

Oh Me, Oh My, the 
Cody Steam Roller Ran 
Over Powell Ball Team 
Again. It's almost a 
shame to take the 
money, since it came so 
easily, but the delightful 
truth remains that Cody 
on the Fourth once more 
ran the steam roller over 
the Powell cohorts and 
beat 'em up. tlattened 
'em out and well annihi- 
lated them by the score 
of 12 to 3. 

Jim Bales, llie Human Slat. ' 
Carter in Ralston. 

Furtheimore, after this 
game was over, the juve- 
nile teams fi^om both towns 

went to battle and Cody won that one, too. The Cody 
team was led by Captain Milward Simpson. However, 
the overall July Fourth celebration of 1911 was de- 
clared a grand success, with an estimated 2,500 attend- 
ing (half the size of the current town of Powell.) 

And then fresh-faced Jim Bales, a boy wonder on the 
mound, moved to Powell from Rose Hill, Kansas. At 
6-ft. 4-in. and positively skeletal, the Cody Enterprise 
labeled him "Lengthy Bales, the Human Slat." Milward 
Simpson would later comment on Bales' blistering 
speed by remarking that whoever played catcher for 
Bales would need a supply of raw beefsteak to nurse 
his swollen hand. With Bales on the mound, Powell's 
win-loss record improved significantly, and games 
against Cody were won, tied or lost only by a "close 

squeeze."-' The Powell bunch became "quite chesty" 
and began waving a $200 purse at the Cody players but 
it was late in the season and any further showdowns 
would have to wait until the following year. 

1913 proved to be a banner year for Cody-Powell 

baseball contests. In all, 
six were played. In the 
spring of the year, Cody 
built its own baseball dia- 
mond at the fairgrounds 
and invited Powell for its 
Memorial Day inaugura- 
tion. Here, Milward 
Simpson, although only 
fifteen years old, nailed 
down the position of right 
fielder on the regular 
Cody team with his 
strong arm. Cody lost 
only two games that sea- 
son, both to Powell, and 
went on to win the first 
Big Horn Basin Tourna- 
ment held that August in 

For the most part, the 
baseball fans exhibited 
good behavior, especially 
considering that huge 
sums of money often 
changed hands on bets 
(S. A. commented rue- 
fully that he had lost 
"forty plunks" on one 
game). There were no- 
table exceptions to the 
good behavior rule, including the game where the fa- 
mous "lemon play" was introduced. Even then, the Cody 
Enterprise went no further than to recommend that 
Catcher Bowers be rewarded with a "vegetable medal" 
for his "extreme cuteness." As the ultimate example of 
sportsmanship, S. A. would turn to Bud Cousins" mule, 
a frequent mascot at the home games and "to which 
animal must be conceded the championship of the 
Powell Valley insofar as the real article in the way of 
up-to-date rooting is concerned. His muleship was on 
the job every few minutes and best of all, showed no 
partiality — [the opponent being] cheered quite as lust- 
ily as were the home boys." 
Powell, of course, became a successful community. 

-^ Cody Enterprise, July 6, 1912 

Powell 's pitcher in 1912 was Jim Bales. At 6'4 " and posi- 
tively skeletal, the Cody Enterprise clubbed him "Lengthy 

The photo was taken by Edith 

Autumn 2000 


wonder. Jim 
Bales, of Rose 
Hill. Kansas. 
Bilk's appears 
III the center 
of the front 

I'hoto courtesN 
-I'thc Bales 
lamiK. Cod\ 

E\en as early as 
\sould remark. 

9 1 6, the editor of the Cody Herald 

Powell IS a new Powell. Fi\e _\ears ago. e\er\one 
was a stranger, for the population in the community 
was gathered, from the four comers of the states. 
Now they are acquainted, trust each other, fight for 
each other, and the town has a communit_\ life that 
makes association with them a delight. 

And Cody would make one more concession: 

We found S. A. Nelson in Powell. This is no new 
disco\er\ for Cody woke one morning and found 
out she was short a good man and upon the census 
being taken, it was found to he S. A.-" 

-'' Cody Herald, quoted in Powell Tribune. September 9. 1''16. 


~-^;^|-^ tls^li pP^^g li^pi^ ft^:j^;1 

Between the f-nllowin?: Tov,ns: 

.:rse and Pennant. r^ ;n Other 

prizes. Town winning Pennant to.hold 
next .Annu^ Tournament. 

i- r2"3 

Under the management of Custer & Dailey 


Will give Shiow and Dance Friday and Saturday 

Nights and a Picture Show on S-.mday Night. 

Smith Bros.' Full Orchestra. 

The author, a graduate of Powell High School, 
holds the M.D. degree from fiarvard. She /.v 
professor ofmediciue. Virginia Cotvmomvecdtli 
University- School of Medicitie in Richmond, 
ffer grandfather. Gus Beckmann. homesteaded 
on the Shoshone Project in 1911 and her fam- 
ily still lives on that homestead. 


$25.00 Gold Watch to the Best Individual Player. Pair 
Spaulding Base Ball Shoes to man circlinn; ba.scs in fast- 
e,st time. To the man maliing^ longest throw, Spauid- 
ing Fielders Glove. To the best funolc hitter. Leather 
Bat Case ana Bat. These prizes to be decided by a eom- 
mittec of three from Cody, Powell and Gebo. 

11 By THE mm im bid 

Cody Enterprise. July 25. 1913 

New Collections 



Gil Bellinger 

Prince Albert Gatchell (1841-1924) 

Theodore James Gatchell (1872-1954) 







T^a Ai(wa*s a*mt 

WuiTOBTO^T. S«pL I — Th« dapari- 
miDt of ]>i3ilc« bki r*cic*cd troB tli* 
Doltad BiAU* atUrncj aad marih*! of 
W/omlD2 tbc ofilcikl reports of tbilr 
la**at.lf«llan \a'La tb« Bftaoock IndUo 
troablti m&d* bj dirccttoo o4 Iba kU 
torac; fiDcraL 

Tb* dulxfct kttorce; *^j\. "I bkr* 
BiidoQbt vbfttcTrr tbmt tb« ktlUnf o( 
lb* lodlBs Tkor^ cm or kboat th« 
nu of Jal7 vu BO tatrocLauikndcald 
bloodad Burdar. bod U wa« a marder 
porp«tTKt«d oath* p&rt ol tha cod- 
■Ubla. U&oDiDg. ked bla dcpullea la 
panokDC* of % tchema and contpltaoj 
to praTcaL tQ« lodlaaa from ocrcblof 
ft rigbt aod pri'ilcge whlcb U, la n/ 
•ptoioa, *erj clearly fuarvotpcd to 
tsam by tba trealy befora mcatloaad. 
0b<nild proKculloQ on U>a part of Iba 
tj(ill«d iSutci ba 'del<rmlDad apoo tt 
vonld ba oaclru (o commanca ll b«- 
fora • oaisaii>«ioorr. A* iba law U 


lBpnT._.*l ta H>r«Ma CMIIama at • 

Niw Yoai, 3cpl. L— B. O. Qua * 
Ca'a wrckty rc*la« of irad* uyi: 
ImprorrmcDte In marhal* and pHfM 
cantinaFa. and whanaa A taw moatbk 
afO(*«rjbodj wa« Donlng tba Calat- 
B*t bopei of reeoTarj It tk«4 oow ooo* 
to b« tba ool; qacitlcka la wblcb 
branchca. If any, the rt*a la pncaa aad 
tha lacraaM of bnilDaaa mAj (O Coo 
tar. A tu-oof eoaterraUta tcallaf la 
flading aiprculOD. not a^i yat cnntrtiN 
Xing lb* marbata or Indnitiiaa, bal 
wamlag agalaat too rapid aipaQiloo 
aod rlM- 

In aoiDe dlrrctlooi tlia advacca la 
prleei clcarlj cbcckl fot-ora builDU*. 
Dot aaoonra2>°f tcaioraa bara frcal 
poner. Eiporta of gold coatlooa. bui 
ar« rsct b* ayadicate dcpollu aad ac- 
pc.-ted lo ccata touu. AasKdca abool 
tha oioiictarj folora do l^ogar bladar 
Cri'p pro»p«cta. rxcipi lur cotton, baro 
aoiscn bat loiproiad dariaf tba «e«1c 

ImporUot alepa toward rMTfaalia- 
lion of great. railroad* fl'M hopa to 
lntcatar« Labor troabla' ara tor tba 
prcuat l«a Ibraatcolng »od aomo o( 
ImpartaDca havt alrrady t-^n aattlad. 
Tba ltidu»lri*» are not onlj doing bai- 
ler tbao anjbody a.pevK*^ *" 
couotlan OB a graai buil' 
raat of Iha jcar. Tba 
prlcca of Iron aad >•• 


(rrom tha Jouraal. Dalrol^ Ulcb-) 

Evarr oDo In lAa ndallr of MaUran 
aranua and Cbamalala (tmt. Datrolt. 
knowa Ura. UcDonald, and manr a 
eaifhbor baa raaaoa to faal cralaful to 
bar for tba kJod and frlandlr Inltreat 
aha haa maoimird In cBMl of Ulniia 

Sh* ta a IclDd-btanad (rlead. a aaiur^ 
nuraa. aad aa latelJIgtnt and raOaad 

To a raportar iha reccntlr talkrd at 
aocna ]an(tli about Dr. WlMtatn a Plak 
Ptria. ctvlnr aoma Tary Inlarvatlng In- 

adfa c 

varaal Dam 


■ nd t 

ihlB m«.Jletna, for 1 

Uy daufhtar tC.lda la a 
BchooL and haa navcr bn 
■Inca Iha beran. I auppo 
hard, and atia haa qulla a 

out all at (ha acnuol child 

aaa and ha vacclnalrd har 

know.- aald Hra. 
f at tha worth of 
haa b««a dainoD- 

did- 9h> 

dlalancT to co 
ind tba dOfior 

To add lo II 
Iha ooar child 
naluraltr of a 


tkaaalMa Cvsdaoa •( a Kaataiby Aaat- 
•■M Tewara Mv. Bradlar- 

EmxE-Tcv. Kj.. 3«pL 1— Tha atxth 
Joint debaU la tha larlaa of tnetra. 
vhiah waa to bara takaa placa ba- 
twcaa Coloaal Vt. Q. Bradlay and Oen- 
•ral P. W. Uardto. at Emloenca. ye^ 
tarday, waa called off oa acconot of 
iha aotay demoaalratlon of tba crowd. 
Colooal Bradley waa t« bar* opaned 
and elo*ad tba dabat« Wban ha at> 
tamplad lo bagia iha noLaa and dla- 
Inrbanca of tha crowd waa ao great 
tbat ha waa eompellad to lit down. 

W. P. Tborna. tba Dvmocratlo chair- 
man, aroaa aad appcalad to them (or 
order, bat tba crowd paid no attantlon 
to blm. Colonel Bradley attampied 
again aod again to apeak, alx llmaa In 
all, bat failed to gvc a hearing Sea- 
Ing tbat any attempt to apeak n-aa la 
rain, bo gara It ap. aaylog that tha 
nolaa waa mora than ha coold atand, 
aod rcfualog moxt pualll>aly to procaad 

Tha colonal aald "I nlah I had my 
mica a mlnolc. ao I roold (all thla 
crowd what olicr «ODlempt I hold 
"*■ — '- " Then folding op hi* mana- 
' -' - oJ. Tha action of 
odcmord by tha 
chalrrnaa of tha OiTnocrstle cominltlca 
aa wall aa tha Rcpublicana, who wera 
prcaeni, aod thay doclara It ■■ aa ouk 
rags aod Jl-vai ■■ (■> Rrnrr coonty. 

acript ha latt l 


rirst M\Q^\\ B&dH 


Sberid^iQ B&i^kioi Co., 

Sberidio. Wyotuiof. 

a. A. Wb>iB>r. FTHtaraa 
IL & Ali«r, VIca Praal4aa& 
A. a. Barrawa. CaaMw. 

tSk Barn 
. C Dial 
H. Fa(s«r. 

Interest Paid on 

Time DeposttJ, 

Farms Wanted. 

Wa Waal rarma for ?ar«k«a«ra 
Bancara. Do Yoa Wbnl a ParUi 
Sail Your BailoaaaT 

Wa want Farm* fov 
Da To* Waal t« 

D« Yo« Want lo Baal Year HoaaaF 
Do Yoa want FIra or Accldaat loinraaca* Da Yarn Waal 
CoUactloea MadaT Da Yo« WanI ta ?all cr Bay RallroaJ 

r Staamablp TIckataT la Yafi. Aar Saqalrameata, call am 


J. C. Bishop, 

Pioneer Business Agency. 

Autumn 2000 

Theodore James "Jim" Gatchell was a tum-of-the- 
century phannacist in Buffalo, Wyoming. A lifelong 
interest in frontier history led him to collect artifacts 
and write articles on the people and events of the sur- 
rounding Powder River-Bozeman Trail region. Follow- 
ing his death in 1954, his collections of some 2000 
items formed the basis for a namesake museum in his 
hometown. Recently, the 24 papers that he authored 
between 1909 and 1950 have been collected and re- 

Jim's father. Prince Albert Gatchell. or P. A, Gatchell, 
as he was usually called, was active in the newspaper 
publishing business from 1873-1897. He started the 
Wadena Tribune in Wadena, Minnesota, and the 
Pembina Pioneer in Pembina, Dakota Territory. He then 
published a newspaper in Nebraska before starting an- 
other paper, the Sheridan Daily Journal in Wyoming. 
Jim worked for the Sheridan newspaper, but he also 
was employed at Edelman Drug Company as an ap- 
prentice phannacist.- E.xcept for Jim's newspaper w ork 
in Sheridan, virtually nothing else was known about 
the involvement of an\ other Gatchell family members 
in P.A.'s publishing ventures. That has changed recently 
with the discovery of a collection of 1890s newspa- 

The collection was found in a large, flat, cardboard 
box in an empty building in Kaycee, Wyoming, by 
Robin and Sunny Taylor, the Gatchell Museum regis- 
trar. Alecia Gatchell Lund (b. 1913, daughter of Jim's 
younger brother. Prince .-Mbert Gatchell, Jr.). and her 
husband owned the binlding. Who actuall\ collected 
the newspapers is not known. In the year of the earliest 
papers, 1891, Jim and his siblings, Bess and Prince 
Albert, Jr., were from 1 6 to 2 1 years old. It seems prob- 
able that P. A. kept these papers himself 

Because of her long-term interest in the history of 
the West as well as her current position. Sunny Taylor 
realized the historical value of these very old newspa- 
pers. As a museum volunteer. I joined her at this stage 
in assessing the papers. An initial inventory of the col- 
lection revealed that there were 166 newspapers, pub- 
lished in Mema, Nebraska, and Sheridan. Wyoming, 
during the period 1891 through 1897. Interestingly, the 
publication of virtually all of these century-old news- 
papers involved several members of the Gatchell fam- 
ily and not just P. A. alone. 

Mema Reporter, Merna, Custer Co., Nebraska 

The papers included 127 copies of the Merna Re- 
porter, for the years 1891 to 1894. Volume 1, No. 48, 
October 6, 1 892, listed B. L. Gatchell as publisher and 


P. A. Gatchell as editor. Handwritten m pencil, on the 
top margin of the first page was, "First paper published 
b\ Cirandpa Gatchell."' The October date for the be- 
ginning of Gatchell's newspaper in that Nebraska com- 
munity is confirmed by the preceding 47 issues (No. 1 . 
November 1 1 , 1 89 1 -No. 47, September 29, 1 89 1 ) that 
listed Riibert L. Lazenby and Samuel J. Shanklin as 
editors and Ambrose Lazenby as proprietor. The Octo- 
ber 6 issue also introduced a "B. L. Gatchell" as pub- 
lisher. A search of the Gatchell family genealogy for 
both P. A.'s and Jim's siblings, revealed only one indi- 
vidual with a "B" for a first name-Jim's older sister, 
Bess (1870-1961 ).' She would have been 22 years old 
at that time. 

During this period. Jim Gatchell was 19 to 22 years 
old. The only appearance of his name in the newspa- 
per was through advertisements. He promoted himself 
as a "Teacher of Violin and Orchestra Instruments" in 
1892 and 1893. In most of his ads. however, through- 
out 1 893 and 1 894, he sought w ork as a "House and 
Sign Painter." 

In the May 1 1, 1893, issue, two articles dealt with 
Gatchell family members: 

Home Happenings... - All Lazenby. All Gatchelf and 
Ori Cole |sic] took a freight caboose excursion last Fri- 
day. They went as far as Broken Bow [9 miles ni)nh- 
west of Mema]. They must ha\'e hoodooed the passen- 
ger that evening for it did not land them in Mema until 
about midnight and it is reported that the boys came 
hiiiiie \ery hungry. 

Under a column titled "Meeting of the Village Board," 
funds for the coming year's expenses were discussed 
and the report was credited to a L. W. Wilson, chair- 
man, and P. A. Gatchell. clerk. 

The May 1 8, 1 893. newspaper featured an advertise- 
ment for "The Mema New s Depot" located in the Merna 
Reporter otTiee and managed by Aigie Gatchell. The 
Depot was listed as selling books, magazines, statio- 
nery, pens and pencils, etc. The only Gatchell family 
member candidate for "Aluie" would seem to be "Al 

Gil Bollinger, Jim Gatclicll - The Man and the Museum. (But- 
faio: Gatchell Museum Assoc. Inc. lO"^')), 6."i-223. 

- Gil Bollinger. Personal files; Bollinger. Jim Gatchell, 8-10. 

' Prince Albert Gatchell was grandfather to both .Mecia Gatchell 
Lund (P. .^. Gatchell. Jr.'s daughter) and Thelma Gatchell Condit 
(Jim Gatchell's daughter), so either of them could have written 
the phrase on the October 1892 Merna paper. 

^ Bollinger. Jim Gatcliell. 43-46. Records, however, do not 
give her middle name or initial. "B. L," is listed as publisher 
during the entire Merna Reporter period of 1892 - 1894 (but not 
subsequently in any of the Sheridan papers). 


Annals oi Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal 

The Merna ReportM 

ic Salb. 



alurda^ March,4| 

1 1. O'clock P U. Sharp! 

• IC.. .< tl,. It^^u.l ci,u< 
•»•» "' ■'■! -nJ r.u<iii«j 

»..« >.,ik rur tm 

• ■ ■■1' ^.Icf •HI* U .■ 






Mwe Turn Loui ^ 10 i>«eort§^w^tairig»B 

G." for Prince Albert Gatchell, Jr 
reference to "Algie" found. 

Included in the newspaper collection is an unbroken 
run of the weekly publication, the Merna Reporter, from 
November 11, 1891 (vol. l,no. 1 ) to November 3, 1892 
(vol. 1, no. 52).^ This year-long sequence of frontier 
newspapers from a small, western Nebraska, commu- 
nity allows a view of how one particular editor reported 
on happenings in a neighboring state— Wyoming. 

Actually, considerable coverage of national and in- 
ternational news was available to editors of that period 
through the Associated Press, the first press agency in 
this country. That service had been formed in 1 848 and 
utilized the telegraph that had been invented some four 
years earlier to bring current news to U.S. papers.' 

Editor P. A. Gatchell chose six Wyoming articles to 
be printed in that November to November time inter- 
val of the early 1890s. Ironically, three of them dealt 
with the 1 892 "Invasion" of Johnson County in articles 
that originated at Cheyenne (April 18 and 25, 1892), 
and at Douglas, (June 13, 1892). The remaining three 
articles dealt with gun battles and shootings (Decem- 
ber 21, 1891, September 26, and October 12, 1892). 
All six are reproduced here on the following two pages 
of this article. 

Cheyenne, Wyoming, December 21, 1891 

William Hopkins, known as 'Lasso Bill,' and Jack 
Hill, two cowboys, fought a duel at Otto, in the Big 
Horn basin, on Tuesday. The men quarreled over 
ownership of horses and agreed to settle the trouble 
with revolvers. They fought at fifty paces. Hill shot 
first, missing his man. Hopkins then shot and missed. 
Hill's second shot struck Hopkins in the breast, kill- 
ing him instantly. Deputy Sheriff Irey, who came on 
the scene as the duel was ending, tried to arrest Hill, 
but he escaped. 

This is the only Chevenne, Wyoming, April 18, 1892 


Wyoming's Armed Rustlers Are 
Thirsting For Gore. 


Colonel Van Home Has Been Ordered to 
Turn His Prisoners Over to the Local Au- 
thorities, But Governor Barber Is Afraid 

They Will Be Lynched 
Nate Champion's Blood-Stained Statement. 

General John R. Brooke, at Omaha, commanding 
the department, has telegraphed the acting gover- 
nor. Barber, that he has been instructed by the secre- 
tary of war to deliver to him the forty odd cattlemen 
now at Fort McKinney. 

It is now generally admitted that the removal of 
prisoners from Fort McKinney to Fort Douglas would 
be very hazardous and fraught with extreme danger 
to the troops and prisoners. It is certain the rustlers 
will try to kill them on the way, and every hour adds 
a more serious aspect to the situation. 

' "All" probably refers to "Al" for Prince Albert, Jr., Jim's, 
younger brother; the other "All" and "Ort" for another "Al" and 
an "Art?". 

" The library collection at the University of Nebraska-Lincoln 
held just one copy of the Merna Journal. The University Librar- 
ies have a cooperative project with the Nebraska Historical Soci- 
ety entitled "The Nebraska Newspaper Project" that began mi- 
crofilming state newspapers in 1951. They requested permission 
to film the Merna collection under the auspices of that Project. 

' The Associated Press is the largest news-gathering organiza- 
tion in the world with reporters and photographers in more than 
200 bureaus worldwide. It is incorporated as a not-for-profit co- 
operative, based in New York City, and owned by more than 1500 
member daily newspapers in the United States. 

Autumn 2000 


The friends of the imprisoned cattlemen cannot 
get justice anywhere in Wyoming, except this city. 

Go\ernor Barber has not yet notified (jeneral 
Brooke when he will recei\e the prisoners now at 
Fort McKmney. 

Pubhc sympathy is rapidly turning in fa\or of the 

On the body of Nate Champion, when it was taken 
into Buffalo, was a diar> soaked with his blood, 
through the center of which a bullet had tom its way. 
Feeling that the game was up. he had calmlv jotted 
down in a memorandum book the passing scenes of 
the last hours of his lite from the time the attack was 
begun in the early morning daw n to the moment the 
house was fired. It is of thrilling interest and begins: 

Me and Nick was getting breakfast when the at- 
tack took place. Two men here with us - Bill Jones 
and another man. The old man went after water and 
did not come back. His friend went to see what was 
the matter and he did not come back. Nick started 
out and I told him to look out, that 1 thought there 
was some one at the stable and would not let them 
come back. Nick is shot but not dead yet. He is aw- 
ful sick. 1 must go and wait on him. It is now about 
two hours since the first shot. Nick is still ali\ e, they 
are still shooting and are all around the house. Boys, 
there is bullets coming in like hail. Them fellows is 
in such a shape I can't get at them. They are shoot- 
ing from the stable and the ri\er and back of the 
house. Nick is dead, he died about 9 o'clock. 1 see a 
smoke down at the stable. I think they fired it. 1 don't 
think they intend to let me get away this time. 

It is now about noon. There is some at the stable 
yet; they are throwing a rope out at the door and 
drawing it back. I guess it is to draw me out. I wish 
that Duck would get further so I can get a shot at 
him. Boys. I don't know what they ha\e done with 
them two fellows that stayed here last night. Boys, 1 
feel pretty lonesome just now . I wish there was some- 
one here with me so we could watch all sides at once. 
They may fool around until I gel a good shot before 
they leave. It's about 3 o'clock now. There was a 
man in a buckboard and one on a horse that just 
passed. They fired on them as they went by. 1 don't 
know if they killed them or not. I seen lots of them 
come out on horses on the other side of the rner and 
take after them. I shot at the men in the stable just 
now, don't know if I got any or not. I must go and 
look out again. It don't look as if there is much show 
o my getting away. I see twelve to fifteen men. One 
looks like - (name scratched out;) I don't know 
whether it is or not. I hope they did not catch them 
fellows that run over the bridge towards Smith's. 
They are shooting at the house now. If I had a pair of 
glasses I belie\'e I would know some of these men. 
They are coming back. I've got to look out. 

Well, they ha\ e just got through shelling the house 

again like hail. I heard them splitting wood. I guess 
they are going to lire the house to-night. I think I 
will make a break when night comes if I am alive. 
Shooting again. I think they will fire the house this 
time. It IS not 7 yet. The house is fired. Cjood-by 
boys, if I ne\ er see you again. 

Chevenne, WvominR, April 25. 18Q2 


'Warring Wyoming Stockmen Reach 


They Say That They Never Would Have 
Surrendered to the Rustlers, But Would Have 

Died First - Governor Barber Undecided 

What to Do W ith Them - Stringent military 

Precautions on the Trip. 

Major Egbert, in command of the Se\ enth infan- 
try troops which relie\ ed the Sixth ca\ alr\ from Fort 
McKinney as guards of the captured stockmen, des- 
ignated 7 o'clock yesterda> moming as the hour for 
the party to start from Fort Fetterman. The gov emor 
expressly stated that the train should not move ex- 
cept in davlight. .All the men slept in the cars. The 
special was preceded by a pilot engine and a caboose, 
the latter filled with a construction crew to repair 
any possible damage that might have been done to 
the tracks. Two men w ith field glasses were stationed 
in the look-out of the caboose to carefully scrutinize 
the road for breaks. Their position was maintained 
until Bordeaux was reached, when all chances of 
danger were believed to be passed and the look-out 

It was just 3:45 o'clock in the afternoon when the 
train slowly pulled into the Fort Russell depot. A 
crowd of several hundred people was waiting to re- 
ceive them. 

"This is the toughest part of the trip," remarked 
one stockman. "1 would rather face the rustlers than 
the crowd outside." 

Two long lines of soldiers were drawn up. One 
was stationed along the length of the train, the other 
some short distance tow ard the fort, thus keeping an 
unoccupied space benveen them. Major Egbert here 
received orders to hold the men in charge until fur- 
ther orders. 

"Would vou have surrendered to the sheriffs 


Annals oi Wyoming: Tne Wyoming History Journal 

posse?" was asked one of the stockmen. 

"No, we would not," was the reply. "Every man 
had made up his mind to die where he was rather 
than surrender and we would have sold our li\es 

Governor Barber was waited upon last evening by 
a party of local and foreign reporters, and in response 
to se\eral questions put to him said: 

"I have not decided exactly what will be done with 
the captured men. For the time being they will be 
kept at Fort Russell. They will, when the proper time 
comes, be turned over to the civil authorities, but I 
cannot tell how I shall proceed until 1 secure further 
information which 1 am now awaiting." 

Douglas. Wyoming. June 13, 1892 

Martial Law Likely in Wyoming 

Six troops of the Sixth Cavalry, comprising over 
400 men, arrived yesterday and went into camp tem- 
porarily ten miles west of here, near old Fort 
Fetterman. The troops have thirty days" supply of 
rations and ordnance for a six months' campaign. It 
is believed here that martial law is likely to be de- 
clared soon in Johnson, Converse and Natrona coun- 

Cheyenne. Wyoming. September 26. 1892 


Cheyenne, Wyoming, in a Frenzy of Excite- 

Never since the historical triple lynching has this 
place been in such a foment of excitement as it was 
yesterday. The occasion was a lecture under the aus- 
pices of the American Protective association, an anti- 
Catholic society organized here by men from Omaha 
a year ago. Thomas Lyons was the speaker. He is 
also a fighter, and in a melee which broke up the 
meeting he operated two six-shooters and wounded 
three men, one an officer. Lyons talked an hour, with 
frequent interruptions. Finally the turmoil became 
so great that he announced a postponement. In the 
opening he called attention to the fact that he car- 
ried two revolvers and was ready to use them if as- 
saulted. There was nothing offensive in his remarks, 
but the crowd was determined to nip the movement 
in the bud. Police and ushers that were appointed by 
Lyons repeatedly attempted to clear the lobby, but 
could not do so. As Lyons, surrounded by an armed 
guard, which had been behind the scenes during the 
evening, stepped to the street, he pulled his revolv- 

ers. Policeman Nolan advanced and ordered the lec- 
turer to put away his revolvers, assuring him that he 
was in no danger. He stated he proposed to take care 
of himself Nolan attempted to wrench the weapon 
from him. Both went to the ground. While down 
Lyons fired three times. Nolan cried that he had been 
killed, and lay limp on the ground. Patrick Moores, 
a boiler-maker from the railway shops, fell with a 
bullet in his groin. Elmer Hicks, a partner of Moores, 
was shot in the hand. Policemen, county officers, 
members of the association and other citizens, rushed 
to stop the shooting. Lyons clung to his revolvers 
and cleared a way for himself Quite a number of 
shots were fired into the air. Lyons reached the hotel 
in safety, and later was taken to the county jail. 
Nolan's wound is in the neck and a bad one, but he 
will recover. Moores will likely die. 

Casper, Wyoming, October 12, 1892 


Two Wyoming Outlaws Meet With a Terrible 

Fate While Prisoners. 

Frank Dabb and a strange Texan, who were ar- 
rested two weeks ago for horse stealing, but released 
for lack of evidence, tried to terrorize the commu- 
nity by shooting at people, and were again arrested 
and sentenced to jail at Buffalo, Wyo. Constable 
Reilly started with the men to Buffalo, a distance of 
150 miles across the Big Horn Mountains [sic]. A 
party of masked men came upon their camp the first 
night and overpowering the officer filled each 
prisoner's head full of bullets, severing the heads 
from the bodies and mutilating them in fearful shape. 
These men were supposed to be horse thieves and 
belonged to the gang operating [in] the Southern 
Montana and the Yellowstone country. 

The Sheridan Daily Journal^ Sheridan 
County, Wyoming 

The earliest eight of the 39 newspapers in this group 
are from the months of January. February and March 
in 1895. The editor was P. A. Gatchell and the pub- 
lishers were listed as the "Gatchell Bros, and Given." 
No name or initials are listed for Given. The August 
22. 1 895, issue listed the "Gatchell Bros, and T. James 
Gatchell" as publishers. This is the earliest instance in 
the collection where Jim is listed on the paper's staff 
and it also contains an article proclaiming the newspa- 
per to be "one year old today." P. A. Gatchell is cred- 
ited with establishing the paper. That would make the 
first publication on August 22, 1 894. Virtually all of 




the remaining papers from then into 1897 list father 
and son as editors and/or managers. 

Thus, there now is a record of Jim GatchelFs active 
work on the Sheridan Daily Journal from 1 895 into 
1897. As previously mentioned, this is the same pe- 
riod of time that he was working at the Edleman Drug 
Company as an apprentice pharmacist. Obviously, he 
was holding two jobs. Then, in the winter of 1897, he 
moved to nearby Big Horn, Wyoming, and opened his 
own drug store. 

The question arises as to the actual scarcitv of these 
early Sheridan newspapers. Are they well known and 
listed in the various publications dealing with 
Wyoming's journalistic history? An initial check was 
made in Lola Homsher's Guide to Wyoming Newspa- 
pers^ On page 86 of that publication, the Sheridan 
Enterprise ( 1887-1923), is listed as the only Sheridan 
newspaper in the late 1 890s. The entry indicates that 
Homsher did not know of the Sheridan Daily Journal. 
Other reference sources also failed to provide informa- 
tion on the paper.** 

Neither of the staffs at the Sheridan County Library 
and the Wyoming State Archives in Cheyenne had any 
knowledge of the GatchelFs Journal. The State Ar- 
chives' staff was interested in microfilming this new 
fmd of Sheridan newspapers. 

\ , . 


Sntor^ at the Sliertdan, Wyo., PQSt Office aa 

, ., „. Second Clasa Mi^Uer. ,' 

Office oaGrinnell Avenue opposite 
.,,.:',,•■/,' Court House. 

< f; , ;;>,!;! GATCHELL, Editor. 

A ■• 

PttblisUed ^yery eveqing, except Sun- 
dpy by Gatchell Bros., and Given. 


OWE YEAR, By Mall or Carrlor 
ONE MONTH, " " " 

If II tt 




The Sheridan Post of September 30, 1903, in its "In- 
dustrial Edition," carried articles on both P. A. and Jim 
Gatchell that mention their establishing and managing 
\\\e Journal until P. A. left for Buffalo as the new Reg- 
ister of the U.S. Land Office located there ( 1 897 ). There 
is a reference by F. D. Whitaker of Clearmont, Wyo- 
ming, in his personal notes about working for the fa- 
ther-son publishers of the Sheridan Daily News [sic] in 
May 1895." 

It could be that P. A. founded the newspaper, pub- 
lished it for just a few years and then closed it dov\n 
without leaving a formal record for later generations, 
except for this set. It is no surprise if Sheridan"s small 
population in those early times could not support a daily 
paper in addition to the (Lfe'/r/v already established. This 
competition could have brought an early demise to 
P.A's. publishing efforts. 

Given the rarity of these newspapers and the level of 
interest expressed by both the Johnson County and 
University of Nebraska's Libraries, it was decided that 
they should be given to those institutions for micro- 
filming and archiving. Accordingly, they have been 
donated as gifts and filming is in progress. Upon 
completion of that process, they will then be available 
to authors, researchers, students and other libraries. 

Newspapers are. of course, an important source for 
historians. The serendipitv in Unding these papers cer- 
tainly ""made our day." We now know much more about 
the newspaper publishing efforts of P. A. Gatchell and 
his family, and have also added a significant new re- 
source on the frontier-era history of the region to the 

' Lola Homsher. Guide to iVyoming Newspaper.^. (Chieyenne 
State Librar). I'^VI). 86. 

* No mention of the paper was found in any of the following 
publications: Sliendun County Heritage Book. Section on Sheridan 
Newspapers (1983): Charles W. Popov ich. Sheridan Uyoiuing - 
Selected Historical .Irticles - Section on Newspaper History. 
( 1997): Elizabeth Keen. Wyoming's Frontier Xewspapers. ( 1956): 
Velma Linford. Wyoming Frontier State. (1947). and Wyoming 
Press Association, li'yoming .\e»spapers .4 Centennial History. 

'' Wyoming Society of the National Society of Colonial Dames 
of America. \ten of Wyoming from Original .Manuscripts 111 
( 1965 Jubilee edition). 32: Bollinger. Jim Gatchell. 6. 

Gil Bollinger is author of Jim Gatchell-The Man 
and the Museum. (Buffalo: Gatchell Museum, 
1999). As the article indicates, he is a volun- 
teer at the Gatchell Museum and a specialist 
on the early history of Buffalo and Johnson 
County. This feature on newly discovered col- 
lections will become a regular part of Annals. 

Jcvobeipi Uumlap v^larJke - 
JUiansi on £lie JDo^eiinaii Irail 


IJ/ric J . rii 


^.-I'^jt, A lA.«£«;::^i---t . S r-yf. ^ :\ '.fJ.i &j: 

Jtif dt •'^^-^Jt.. 

V. 'V/ 

w> , 

rk (tluary JFrooi iihe jFall of 1867 clescrulDimg a UoS» Cavalry supply 
expetlmtuon h&.s come £0 liglbi, aiufll lis auiilior possessenl all oJF Ae 
qMalufues ^we coulcl ^wislrio 

Autumn 2000 


The author was Major Robert Dunlap Clarke, pay- 
master for the troops stationed at the Army posts 
on the Bozeman Trail in present-day Wyoming and 
southern Montana. The diary has 55 daily entries com- 
prising 129 handwritten diary pages covering October 
8 through November 30. 1(S67. from the expedition's 
departure until its return to the startmg point. Fort D.A. 
Russell (now Warren Air Force Base at Cheyenne). The 
diary also contains 48 sketches of people and places 
along the trail, of which 1 6 were drawn in colored pen- 
cil. At the back of the 1 867 diary are 45 pages of short 
narratives that appear to be Clarke's transcriptions of 
campfire stories, personal history, and anecdotes on the 
Sioux. Cheyenne, and other plains tribes told to him 
by Nicholas Janis. who was the guide and interpreter 
on the expedition. Also included at the back of the 
diary are a mileage log of his Bozeman Trail Journey, 
and other notes and untitled sketches. 

Clarke also kept a second diary on a subsequent ex- 
pedition on the Bozeman Trail covering the period May 
12 through July 23. 1868. This diary contains 26 en- 
tries and is relatively short, but contains many good- 
quality sketches of the same route, as if Clarke decided 
to concentrate on sketches instead of writing on his 
second trip up the Bozeman Trail. 

The 1867 diary came into my hands through the col- 
lection of my late father. Donald L. Harmon of Ster- 
ling. Colorado. On Christmas Eve. 1997 my brother 
Scott was looking through Dad's large and disorderly 
accumulation of books and papers, found the diary, and 
brought it to my attention. We spent a little time look- 
ing through it: just enough to know that he had found 
an old diary that might be interesting to browse through. 
Scott let me have the diary, knowing of my interest in 
Western history. 

Upon returning home to Lakewood. Colorado, after 
Christmas. I began to transcribe the diary. By the sec- 
ond or third night of transcribing into the wee hours 
(by then I was hooked!) it became evident that the di- 
ary was a clear account of an Army paymaster's expe- 
riences on the Bozeman Trail in 1867. After becoming 
used to Clarke's casual and. at times, smudged script 
(the diary was written in pencil), the first draft of the 
transcription took me only about a week of long eve- 
nings. The story unfolded on the diary pages almost as 
if I had been with Clarke, in the shadows of a campfire 
on the cold trail, listening to the cavalry officers and 
their guide telling yarns under the autumn stars. 

In the evening, as usual, after the evening meal, and 
while gathered around the blazing camp fire, the time 
passes with a brisk interchange of droll wit and sto- 

ries of adventures in the Army, of Indian manners and 
customs and Indutn names. The Pawnees are ver\ 
lively in their camp this evening, and the air resounds 
with the merry laughter of the yrning braves.' 

However. I had no idea who wrote the diary. .\t no 
point in the diary did Major Clarke identify himself by 
name, nor is the diary titled, other than ""1867" before 
the first entry. Far along m the diary, on the return trip 
back to Cheyenne, is the follovsing entry: 

Col. .Merrill sends a despatch to Fettcrman this 
evening, for Omaha. 1 take occasion to request Genl. 
.\lvord to inform Mrs. R.D.C. at Kenosha, care of Tho- 
mas Bond.- 

Using these initials and "Bozeman Trail" as a search 
string, on New Year's Eve. 1997. 1 went hunting on the 
World Wide Web for any clues as to who "R.D.C." might 
have been, small chance though there seemed to be of 
finding anything useful. Almost immediately, the 
w ebsite for the American Heritage Center, at the Uni- 
versity of Wyoming in Laramie, popped up on the com- 
puter monitor. The AHC has the 1868 Clarke diary in 
its collections, and has posted several of the later diary 
entries, along with some of Clarke's sketches, on its 

The resemblance between my 1 867 diar\' and the 1 868 
diary at AHC was unmistakable. 1 contacted the AHC 
staff and arranged to visit to compare the two diaries. 
On January 10. 1998. my son Clay and I visited the 
AHC. and compared the two diaries side by side. Aided 
in the comparison by Rick Ewig and D. C. Thompson 
of the AHC. we had no question that the 1867 diary 
was the work of Major Clarke. 

After the enjoyment of transcribing the diarv. 1 wanted 
to make sure that it became available for others inter- 
ested in Wyoming history. Also, it seemed appropriate 
that the 1867 and 1868 Clarke diaries should be to- 
gether. To that end, in April, 1998, my family and I 
donated the original 1867 diary to the American Heri- 
tage Center where it is now part of the Robert Dunlap 
Clarke collection. 

The 1 867 Clarke diary came to be in my father's col- 
lection in Sterling. Colorado, through his longtime 
friendship with the Casement family, also of Sterling. 
Upon retiring from cattle ranching northwest of Ster- 
lino in 1965, Jack and Xenia Casement moved to a 

' "October 12," Robert Dunlap Clarke diar\. The party was 
camped at the mouth of Horseshoe Creek near present Glendo. 
- Diary entry of November 14, 1867. 


Annals or Wyoming: Tne Wyoming History Journal 

house in town about a block from my parent's house, 
where I grew up. Jack died in 1972, andXeniain IQSQ.'* 
On many evenings in the 1970's and 1980"s, my father 
liked to take a walk around the neighborhood. Often 
he would stop at the Casement house and "sling the 
bull" for a while with Xenia and, I suspect, have a drop 
of whiskey to burnish the glow on their memories. They 
would talk over old times. On several occasions, Xenia 
gave Dad old books from their collection. Dad had an 
interest in Western history, but I believe he simply for- 
got he had the diary; not unusual for an inveterate 
packrat of his long experience. In any case, he forgot to 
tell me about it. The diary lay on his bookshelves until 
my brother found it about eight months after Dad died. 

Robert Dunlap Clarke was born in Brownsville, in 
southwestern Pennsylvania, in 1818.' I have not been 
able to determine the exact date of his birth, nor have I 
found a photo of Clarke. Records indicate that a Rob- 
ert Dunlap Clarke matriculated in the "grammar school," 
roughly equivalent to a prep school, of Kenyon Col- 
lege in Gambler, Ohio, in the 1857-1858 school year, 
but it is noted in Kenyon's archives that he was "dis- 
missed." No reason was given for his dismissal, though 
it seems odd that a man of 40 would attend a "grammar 
school."" Casement family history holds that he gradu- 
ated from Kenyon College,' but if so, Kenyon's ar- 
chives have no record of it.** 

Robert Dunlap Clarke enlisted in a volunteer regi- 
ment for the Union Army, probably from Ohio or his 
native Pennsylvania, and received an appointment as 
Assistant Paymaster on August 12, 1863, at the age of 
45. He was breveted" lieutenant colonel on March 13, 
1865 "for faithful and meritorious service."'" He va- 
cated his commission in the volunteers on January 17, 
1867, and the same day reenlisted as an Army regular, 
receiving again a commission at the rank of major and 
an appointment as paymaster. ' ' Clarke wrote a tongue 
in cheek and somewhat pedantic poem (only one of 
many authored by him, it turned out) about the end of 
his Civil War service, entitled "I'm Mustered Out."'- 

I'm Mustered Out 
by R.D.C. 
The pride, and pomp, and circumstance 
Of glorious war""at length are done; 
The Reb's have ceased their Devil's dance - 
"Othello's occupation's gone." 
I twirl my thumbs and mope about- 
Alas! Alas! I'm mustered out. 

I joined the service with the thought 
I'd quit it with a warrior's name- 
For this I struggled, suffered, fought. 
All burning with ambition's flame. 

My dreams of fame are o'er, I doubt. 
For now, alas! I'm mustered out. 

Farewell the bars! Farewell the stars! 

The sparkling leaves, and eagles too! 

I loved you all, ye gifts of Mars, 

And bid you now a sad adieu - 

I'm bound for home "the shortest route"* - 

I'm mustered out, I'm mustered out. 

No more for me the grand array. 
The drill, review, the dress parade - 
The fever of the mad'ning fray - 
the contest fierce of ball and blade, 
the carbine's ring, the trooper's shout 
I'll hear no more - I'm mustered out. 

The tale, the song, the jocund roar 
Will pass no more the camp-fire round. 
Played out is "ante" and no more 
Shall "Commissary's" draught abound. 
Why COULDN'T General Lee hold out? 
Confound it all! - I'm mustered out. 

No battle now but that of "life," - 
(To fight the Rebs I'd much prefer) - 
Sweet Ada said she'd be my wife. 
But now forbids me think of her 
Whene'er I speak she seems to pout. 
My hopes are fled - I'm mustered out. 

* In reckoning the traveling allowances to dis- 
charged officers or soldiers, the distance is to be 
estimated by the shortest mail route; if there is no 
mail route, by the shortest practicable route. - 
Army Paymaster's Manual, Par. 615." 

^ Obituary, "Xenia Louisa Marghetic Casement." 
Slerliiig (Colorado) Journal-Advocate. July 28, 1989. 

- Army pension records. National Archives. Washington, D. C. 

'■ Jami Peele, archival librarian, Kenyon College, communica- 
tion with author, 1997. 

' Letter, Mary Casement Furlong, elder sister of Jack Case- 
ment, and evidently the keeper of the family records, to Dr Gene 
Gressley. February 3, 1962. This conespondence is part of the 
Casement collection at the American Heritage Center 

" Peele communication. The only other student of that sur- 
name listed in Kenyon's archives for the period 1830-1870 was 
an Abel Clarke, with no known connection to our Bozeman Trail 
dianst. Abel Clarke is recorded as having matriculated with the 
class of 1839, but there is no record that he graduated. 

■* "Breveting" was a means of rewarding an officer who had 
given excellence in service, by conferring an honorary rank (gen- 
erally without an increase in pay). 

'" From the archives of Fort Laramie National Historic Site, 
provided to me by Sandra Lowry, librarian. 

" Army pension records, National Archives, Washington, D. 

Autumn 2000 


From one of his diary entries, it appears Clarice hiad 
had occasion to travel as far south as Galveston, Texas. 
The trip was made in his service for the Union Army 
during the Civil War.'"* 

Upon reenlistment, Clarke evidently was posted to 
the Pay Department of the Army of the Platte, under 
the command of General Alvord. From his diary, Clarke 
apparently was stationed in Omaha at the time of his 
1867 and 1868 troop payment expeditions on the 
Bozeman Trail. He may have ridden a train on the 
brand-new Union Pacific Railroad as far as Cheyenne 
to begin his journey, as it was completed to that point 
not many weeks prior to his arrival. 

Clarke man'ied Mary Evans Willson, and the couple 
had three children: a son, Alpheus Clarke, and two 
daughters, Sarah Robertina Clarke and Eliza Willson 
Clarke.'-"' Major Clarke retired from Army service on 
June 30. 1882. at the mandatory retirement age of 64. 
and lived in Washington, D.C., until his death on April 
7, 1891 at the age of 73. "" He would have been 49 or 
50 at the time of his expeditions on the Bozeman Trail. 
He is buried at Uniontown, Pennsylvania, about 20 
miles from his birthplace.'' 

Through his daughter Eliza's marriage, Clarke was 
associated with other prominent Army families in the 
early West. Eliza married Major Thomas Tipton 
Thornburg, w ho later became commander of Fort Fred 
Steele, located on the North Platte River east of present 
Rawlins, Wyoming. 

Their only child, Mary Olivia Thornburg, was born 
at the home of Mary Olivia's grandfather. Major Clarke, 
in Washington, D. C, in 1874. The year Olivia was 
five, on October 5, 1 879, Major Thornburg was killed 
in the Milk Creek Battle in northwest Colorado during 
the Ute wars.'- Olivia married Dan Dillon Casement 
on December 1, 1897.'" Dan D. Casement was the son 
of General John S. (Jack) Casement. After the Civil 
War, General Casement led the construction of the 
Union Pacific Railroad through present Nebraska and 
most of Wyoming. Olivia and Dan Dillon Casement 
had three children: Mary Casement (Furlong) in 1898, 
Frances Casement in 1907. and John S. (Jack) Case- 
ment in 1908. 

The 1 868 Clarke diary was donated to the University 
of Wyoming by Mrs. Furlong in the 1960s.-" The 1 867 
diary was given to my father by Jack Casement's widow 
Xenia. Separated for many years, Clarke's two Bozeman 
Trail diaries now are held in the collections of the 
American Heritage Center in Laramie. 

Fall, 1867 was mild in Wyoming, and except for 
the persistent wind and a few days of miserable 
winter weather near the end of the trip, Clarke and his 
cohorts enjoyed nearly ideal conditions for their pay- 
ment and supply expedition to the Army posts on the 
Bozeman Trail. 

Left Fort Davy Russell on the nioniiii^ ofTuesday, Oct. 
8"'. Col. Merrill. Cupt. Courlex. and myself and Clerk. 
Civilians- Mr Porter. Govt. Contractor. Mr Layton, 
Sutler at Phil Kearny, and Mr Kimball. Sutler at C.F. 
Smith. Mr Janis is our guide to Fettennan. We have 
2 ambulances & 3 wagons for our transportation. Our 
escort is the Pawnee Scouts. Maj. Norton Comdg.. with 
2 wagons of Co. property, and 14 wagons with rations 
& forage. Rest at Pole Creek at noon. We reach Horse 
Creek and encamp 23 miles from Davy Russell.-' 

Moving north from Cheyenne, the expedition struck 
Chugwater Creek, and followed the valley of the Chug 
downstream to the confluence w ith the Laramie River, 
where they camped on the third night out. From there, 
the party moved northwest following the Oregon Trail 
along the North Platte River and the high, broken coun- 

'- After finding the ISO? diary among my father's papers, we 
kept looking and found the poem attributed to R.D.C. in a small 
paeket of loose Clarke sketches (though none of the Bo/eman 

" This poem wa.s found, looseleaf and undated hut 
professionially printed on paper bearing a United States eagle 
watermark, among my father's papers, along with some miscella- 
neous sketches of the West by Clarke (not on the Bozeman Trail; 
primarily on the Overland Trail and what I believe to be early 
Omaha). The note concerning traveling allowances was included 
as part of the printed poem. On the botton-i of the page is a hand- 
written note in Mary Casement Furlong's hand, stating: "This 
was written shortly after the Civil War by Robert Dunlap Clarke. 
He reentered service as a Major and Army Paymaster shortly af- 
terwards." I have found no record detailing his Civil War service, 
although 1 think it is doubtful that the author of a poem so tlow- 
ery and romantic about the Civil War could have experienced much 
front-line action. 

'-* From diary entry of November 5. 1867. excerpted later in 
this article. 

'■ Letter from Mary Caseinent Furlong to Dr. Gene Gressley, 
dated April 12. 1962. (AHC Casement collection. 

'" Army pension records. National Archives, Washington, D.C. 

" Mary Casement Furlong to Professor Gressley. April 12, 

■^ M. W. Rankin. "The Meeker Massacre." Annals of Wyoming 
16 (1944). 104 105, 

" Dan D. Casement, Dan Dillon Casement -The Abbreviated 
Autobiography of a Joyous Pagan. (Manhattan, Kansas: privately 
printed. 1944). 74. 

-" "Heritage Highlights," American Heritage Center. (Spring 
1998). See also: 

-' Diary entry for October 8. 1867. 


Annals oi Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal 

Fort C. F. Smith 


Route of Maj. Robert Dunlap Clarke 
Paymaster on the Bozeman Trail 
October 8 - November 30, 1867 

Clarke's Outward Trip 1867 
Clarke's Return Trip 1867 
Army Post Visited by Clarke 
Stream or River 

Fort DA. Russell 
heyen pe) 

try around LaBonte Creek and Wagonhound Creek as 
far as Fort Fetterman, about eight miles northwest of 
present Douglas. They reached Fort Fetterman. the 
southern terminus of the Bozeman Trail, on October 
14, their seventh day out from Cheyenne. 

At 5 p.m. arrive at Ft. Fetterman and proceed to camp- 
ing ground above the mouth of LaPrele (riches) and 
on the North Platte. The Platte is here a broad and 
full stream, very clean, and yet low within its banks. 
By the clear moonlight it is pleasant to listen to its 
brawling as it passes over the stones at the crossing. 
The Cottonwood (bitter) are large and abundant though 
many also of smaller growth. -- 

From Fort Fetterman, the expedition followed the 
Bozeman Trail northwest, crossing Sage Creek, 
Brown's Springs Creek, and other tributaries of the 
Cheyenne River, crossed the low divide into the Pow- 
der River watershed, and followed the Dry Fork of the 
Powder, skirting west of the Pumpkin Buttes in present 
Campbell County. They followed the Bozeman Trail 
as it skirted the foothills of the east flank of the Big- 
horn Mountains, stopping briefly at Fort Reno and Fort 
Phil Kearny. The expedition moved relatively quickly 
for a mule-drawn supply train, averaging about 25 miles 
per day. They would stop longer on the return trip so 

Clarke could pay the troops. The expedition then con- 
tinued on to its furthest point. Fort C.F. Smith, over- 
looking the Big Horn River in what is now southern 
Montana. They reached that goal on October 27, 1 867, 
21 days after departing Fort D. A. Russell at Chey- 

At 12 O'clock we descry the post, situated on the right 
bank of the Big Horn, and with mountains (the Big 
Horn) on the West and South. Make camp about a mile 
north of the post. Take the opportunity of a thorough 
wash, and visit the post in the afternoon in my ambu- 
lance. See the adjutant, Templeton, and arrange to 
have the rolls got up in time. The adjutant introduces 
me to Genl. Bradley, who is very courteous, inviting 
me to make my quarters at the post.-' 

With few exceptions, Clarke described his reception 
by the soldiers on the Bozeman Trail posts as very cor- 
dial and outgoing. Perhaps this is not surprising: Clarke 
held the purse strings of the pay for every officer and 
enlisted man at these Army posts. Also, the sutlers-'* 
and their newly-arrived goods gave the soldiers some- 

-- Excerpt from diary entry of October 14, 1867. 
-' Excerpt from diary entry of October 27, 1867. 
-^ A sutler is a civilian merchant in the business of selling mis- 
cellaneous goods to military personnel. 

Autumn 2000 


thing to spend their wages on. The arrival of the sup- 
ply train and the paymaster must have been a long- 
anticipated and welcome break in the monotony of 
Army life at the remote Bozeman Trail forts. 

Thursday - Oct. 31". - Pay three Cos. this morning 
after 10 A.M. and h\ I P.M. and the other two in the 
afternoon. The wind sprung up eurlx. and sent the 
dust through my tent. It soon became untenantable, 
and I made my payments in the Commissaiy 's Office.-'' 

Clarke's 1867 expedition had only one skirmish of 
arms with the Native Americans who hated the Bozeman 
Trail and what it represented. Clarke, however, was 
lucky enough to avoid the skirmish, the Shirley fight, 
which happened only a few miles from Fort Phil Kearny 
on the return trip. 

Firing of a mountain howitzer heard in the direction 
of the old road, and it is feared that Lt. Shirley and his 
party are faring badly. Arrive at 3 ': at Fort Phil 
Kearny, and am assigned quarters at the post. The tents 
are pitched outside the stockade. Take dinner with 
Lieut. Conmdly. Excellent coffee. Make up three sets 
of Co. mils this evening.-'' 

Tuesday ~ Nov 5'". Made up the rest of the Co. rolls. 
and pay officers today. Dine with Lieut. Tdlotson. 
whom I paid on muster-out at Galveston, Texas. Last 
night after we had gone to bed. Lieut. McArthur came 
in with the information that Lieut. Shirley's partx had 
been attacked, and that 2 men had been killed and six 
wounded. They took the old road, and we the new. so 

that we did not meet. The Indians got wagons, 

with the stock. They got 2/3 of Leighton 's goods, and 
it is said they all went off with red blankets. &c.-^ 

The expedition returned to Cheyenne over virtually 
the same route it had taken on the outward trip, with 
one notable exception. On the return journey, Clarke 
and the rest made a side trip to Fort Laramie to pay the 
troops stationed there before proceeding south to Fort 
D. A. Russell. 

At 4 '/: P.M. arrive at the post [Fort Laramie]. Stop at 
Mr Waid's - the Sutler - who. with Mr Bullock, is 
very kind, inviting me to take my meals [withj them 
during my stay. He introduces me to Maj. Howland. 
commanding the post, who assigns me quarters in the 
Headqr. building. He is exceedingly kind and oblig- 
ing, with his own hands assisting in preparing the room 
for my reception. Col. Merrill camps just outside on 
the parade ground. Get tea at Mr Ward 's this evening. 
Most excellent coffee, butter bread, and beefsteak. 
How fortunate, how favored have we been! We have 

hardly got into quarters before a storm is rising and 
the wind roars in the wide old fashioned chimney.-^ 

Major Clarke and the rest of the expedition arrived at 
Fort D.A. Russell on November 28, and presumably 
Clarke departed for Omaha about December 1 , 1 867, 
after finishing some personal business. He was finding 
a buyer for several lots he evidently owned in the raw, 
new railroad town of Cheyenne. 

Thursday Nov. 2S'''. - Wet heavy snow storm com- 
mences about midnight in the night, and continues this 
morning. We leave camp about cV '/: and proceed 
through the storm, which increases in violence till we 
reach Cheyenne at 2 P.M.. or rather Davy Russell. We 
camp at the new corral at Col Carlin's. The storm 
abates but it is cold. We passed between the Chug and 
Pole Creek, Bear Creek, three drx creeks and Horse 
Creek. -" 

Nov. 29"'.- It froze hard last night, but this morning the 
sun shins (Uit pleasantly, and it is even warm. Go 
down to Cheyenne for the purpose of selling mx lots. 
Find lots (hill - cannot even get an offer Mr White- 
head will see tonun'row what can be done. He think 
900 bonus is as much as I could expect to get on them 
all. '" 

Saturday Novr 3(1'''. Find ourselves reduced to bread, 
coffee. & tomatoes for breakfast. Col. Merrill's pro- 
vision of supplies, thought to be ample, runs suddenly 
out. Mr Glass, the cook, having feathered his nest by 
the way by entertaining citizens at our expense, and 
since his arrival here getting drunk and running 

One of the colorful and better-known characters on 
Major Clarke's 1867 Bozeman Trail journey was Nicho- 
las Janis, guide and interpreter. Janis lived with his 
Sioux wife at Fort Laramie, where for many years he 
made a living as guide and interpreter for the Army.'- 
Janis and his brother Antoine were signatory witnesses 
of the 1868 Fort Laramie Treaty, for which they also 
acted in the capacity of interpreters. '' Clarke appar- 

-^ Excerpt from diary entry of October }\. 1867. 

-" Excerpt froin diary entn,' of Novemher 4. 1867. 

-^ Diary entry of November .^. 1867. 

-* Excerpt from diary entry of November 20. 1867. 

■- Diary entry for November 28, 1867. 

'" Diary entry for November 29. 1867. 

" Excerpt of diary entry for November .'^0. 1867, the last page 
of Clarke's 1867 diary. 

'- Sandra Lowry, libranan, Fort Laramie National Histonc Site, 
communication with author, 1997. 

" http;//w WW. 


Annals or Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal 

ently spent many evenings on the Bozeman Trail expe- 
dition listening to Janis regale the officers with tales of 
personal history (no doubt embellished in the Jim 
Bridger tradition) and Indian lore. 

Janis is to go to Fort Laramie tonight and return by 
tomorrow evening. Janis relates his adventures in Kan- 
sas, at St. Louis, and at Peru, III. 1 write by him to 

Clarke transcribed many of Janis' tales in the back of 
his diary. The majority of these stories relate folklore, 
names, and cultural practices of plains tribes, particu- 
larly the Sioux. Notables among these are detailed 
descriptions of the Sun Dance and the Contrary Soci- 
ety. Also included in the Janis narratives, set down by 
Clarke in a vernacular presumably close to Janis' own, 
is a description of Janis' adventures in Kansas during 
the bloody struggles over whether that State should be 
slave or free. 

Well, said I. I got on to Lawrence, and as I was very 
much afraid of being taken up for an abolitionist or 
Proslaverx man. I was very anxious to get off in the 
stage that morning. I got off. and got to Westport'-^ . It 
so happened the Western Belle, Steamer was in port, 
and I knew the Capt and Clerk. I was afraid the Abo- 
litionists or Proslavery men would take me up, and I 
wanted to go on his boat. I went on board and we set 

off, but when we got opposite a gun was fired 

from shore. Said I, Capt, what is that for? He said 
they were going to search the boat for abolitionists. 
O, My God, said I, Captain, I'll be taken again. You 
must hide me, so I went into my state room and locked 
myself up. In the morning the Capt told me all was 
right. They had been on board and searched the boat, 
and let her pass. So I got off. but O My God, I never 
knowed such a time.''' 

In addition to transcription of Janis' stories of Native 
Americans, Clarke wrote his own reactions to encoun- 
ters with members of several tribes. With regard to the 
Crows, of whom a party estimated at 500 to 600 fol- 
lowed Clarke's expedition northward through the 
Tongue River Country (of course, also the Crows' home 
region), Clarke had this to say: 

The grotesque costumes, and personal appearance of 
these wild people, thus seen in their own country, ex- 
cited in the visitor a feeling of high curiosity. They 
show great ingenuity in ornamenting their cases for 
their arms, their guns & bow-cases, their leggings and 
Stirrups, as well as their head-dresses. Some of the 
latter were very grotesque. Our man wore a simple 
piece of birch bark with a hole cut in the centre with 

scollops which turned up over the head, and with a 
long projection in front. Another, the one with Crazy 
Head, had a Grant hat with a string of red and yellow 
worsted around it. One Indian had red hair, not painted 
so, and one was excessively corpulent. The women 
rode their ponies seated like the men, and all had short 
handled whips with buckskin thongs, which they con- 
tinually applied to the animals.'^ 

With regard to the Sioux (Lakota) during the tense 
months of late 1867, less than three months after the 
Wagon Box Fight near Fort Phil Kearny, Clarke's words 
reflect the mutual suspicion and distrust between the 
Lakota and the cavalry on the Bozeman Trail: 

A Sioux makes his appearance on a hill above us this 
morning, and stands like a picket awaiting our move- 
ment. Get off about 8 A.M. The Sioux proves to be 
three in number Janis went over to see the first one 
and converse with him. He declined to come into the 
camp, saying that he was afraid he would be shot. 
The Sioux kept away until we had left camp when 7 or 
8 of them were seen visiting the camp ground and gath- 
ering up the corn and other articles of small value left 
there. They did not make any demonstration whatever 
But they will doubtless hang around and annoy us 
whenever they can. The apprehension was particularly 
that they would attempt to stampede the stock in order 
to get some of the animals.^^ 

In later years, Clarke amused himself by publishing 
a thin volume of tongue in cheek writings titled The 
Works of Sitting Bull - in the Original French and Latin, 
With Translations. Diligently Compared.'''^ The volume 
contains a number of flowery poems and letters, osten- 
sibly from a "secret correspondence" by Chief Sitting 
Bull. The letters and poems were written in German, 
French, Spanish, Italian, and Latin, along with their 
English translations. One verse of a poem simply en- 
titled "Sapphic Poem" runs as follows: 

Oh! ye renowned Commissioners, who from 

The Great Father with proposals come 

For our acceptance, quicken now your pace. 

■" Excerpt from diary entry of October 10, 1867. 

'" present Kansas City, KS. 

'" Excerpt from Janis narratives, 1867 Clarke diary. 

" Excerpt from diary entry of October 25, 1867. 

'* Excerpt from diary entry of October 26, 1867. 

" R. D. Clarke, The Works of Sitting Bull (Chicago: Knight and 
Leonard, 1878), 12. The book was reprinted as The Sitting Bull 
fra(«^ (Bryan, Texas: John M. Carroll, 1978). A copy of the latter 
is held in the collections of the Denver Public Library Western 
History Department. 

Autumn 2000 


Although I sue not for an act of grace, 

I don 7 decline. Besides, up here, methinks. 

It is afeaiful interval 'tween drinks.*^ 

The work lampoons and does a disservice to the great 
Hunkpapa leader and holy man. However, taken on its 
own merits "The Works of Sitting Bull" speaks of a 
career Army officer who may have been bored with 
military life by that point in his career, and decided to 
exercise his literary pretensions and show off his facil- 
ity with languages."" By the time the work was pub- 
lished in 1878, Clarke was 60 years old, and probably 
was stationed m Washington, D.C. He may, therefore, 
have written the work with nostalgia for his Western 
experiences of a decade earlier, or to amuse his family 
and fellow officers. 

Despite the obvious hard, daily work of traveling the 
Bozeman Trail and paying the troops, however, Clarke's 
fascination and delight with the natural world shone 
through his writmg and sketches. He was observant, 
and took pains to record his observations of the plants, 
animals, and geology of the country traveled by the 

Three species of Sage plant have now come under my 
notice. One is the kind with full formed leaves, some- 
what laciniate [sic] growing on distinct stalks. An- 
other is the hush kind, which no matter how small the 
plant, grows with ramifications right out from the 
ground, and has a general ragged appearance. The 
third sort grows in hunches with numerous small curly 
leaves. They appear to have all the same sensible prop- 

Major Clarke's diary shows he had prior training in 
French and geology, because his diary is peppered with 
French words and with descriptive terms commonly 
used only by geologists.^' 

The hunt for agates is still kept up, and involves us in 
geological dispute, in which mica, feldspar horn- 
blende, gneiss, granite, quartz, and greenstone 
(greenhorne) play the a.b.c. of the Stone hook...." 

... By the way, near the roughest hills, found some out- 
cropping of the kind surrounding white clay buttes of 
the Mauvaises terres. *^ The rocks at Fetterman, and 
along our route to-day, have the appearance common 
to this country, of having been subject to igneous ac- 
tion. Before reaching the old road pass between buttes 
of Venetian red or Spanish brown color, and the ground 
on that plain is for several miles of either a madder or 
bright brick color The mountains obsen'ed along the 
road sides are very ragged in outline, and Laramie 

Peak, with the range of the Rocky, raises its sierra, 
deeply indented and sharply defined, against the sky. 
Light clouds of bright red, mi.xed with white hang 
around the mountain at sunset, and the blue at the 
horizon is a little yellowed by the departing ravs.'"' 

Despite being well into middle age, Clarke reacted 
like a greenhorn with a severe case of "buck fever" ( in 
this case, buffalo and grizzly fever). One of the most 
entertaining passages in the diary is Clarke's account 
of getting lost while trying to hunt bull buffalo on foot 
in the vicinity of Little Goose Creek, in present 
Sheridan County. 

I fired three shots at the herd which I first attacked, all 
too far for any but a practiced marksman, which I was 
not. I got one more, but equally remote, and failed 
again. Still the apparent facility of reaching some new 
herd, proved a fresh temptation to further pursuit, and 
I thus kept on till I had passed without any great fa- 
tigue over 7 or S miles of ground. I generally fol- 
lowed the buffalo trails, which almost evenwhere af- 
forded a comparatively easy footing. They led me once 
into what appeared before I entered it, to he a narrow 
patch of brush on a small stream. When I entered it, 
however I found it continuously extending into a dense 
growth of small Cottonwoods willow and jungle. It 
was a likely place for a Sioux orgrizzh: and the thought 
infused me with a sense of my temerity. When some 
way in, under the influence of this feeling I would have 
returned, but it appeared as dangerous now to go back 
as forward.^' 

The day before the buffalo misadventure, Clarke had 
chased a young grizzly on foot with only an Army is- 
sue Colt cap and ball revolver. 

/ seized my Coll and hastened down the road hoping 
to get a shot at him as he passed. It was a small griz- 
zly, and it is said to be very dangerous to attack them 
on foot. as. if the animal is only wounded, he becomes 
very- troublesome to his hunters. A pistol is not the 
thing for a bruin of this clan...'"' 

^ Clarke. The Works of Simng Bull. 12. 

■" Mary Casement Furlong to Dr. Gene Gressley. February 3, 
1962: " He (Clarke) was a student of languages, graduating from 
Kenyon College." 

■*- Excerpt from diary entry of October 12. 1867. 

■" Discovering this aspect of Clarke's character was particu- 
larly enjoyable to me. because 1 am a geologist. 

■" Excerpt from diary entry of October 12, 1867. 

^■' The words translate as "Badlands." 

'"' Excerpt from diaryentry of November 18. 1867. 

■" Excerpt from diary entry of October 24, 1867. 

■** Excerpt from diary entry of October 23, 1867. 


Annals oi Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal 

After being gently rebuked by the commanding of- 
ficer of the expedition for his foolishness, Clarke and a 
colleague decided to engage in a slightly tamer amuse- 
ment upon reaching camp on the Tongue River: 

It was but 2 p.m. when we got in. and on Col. Merrill's 
proposition I accompanied him on a piscatory excur- 
sion. We had hooks and lines, and the Col. a connois- 
seur in the art. quickly manufactured a fly for bait, 
one of the officers furnishing the red lining of his pocket 
book for the purpose and the Col. finding the blue in a 
piece of his Cavalry pants. A mule was also ta.xed a 
few hairs from his main or tail. We had also raw buf- 
falo meat. Thus equipped, and with ample supplies of 
pipes and tobacco, we set out. We procured poles from 
the willows at the stream. Pen'ersely as it sometimes 
happens when you have made the most thorough prepa- 
rations to leave no e.xcusefor that not happening which 
\ou wish to happen, either there were no fish in the 
stream or the season was too late to tempt them to 
take the bait. A beautifiil mountain brook is the Tongue, 
and it rushes with arrowy swiftness and with water 
cold pure and perfectly translucent, over its pebbly 
bed. It is making sweet music upon the night air as I 
pen these lines in its presence.*'^ 

Clarke provided excellent descriptions, by word and 
sketch, of the expedition route and campsites, although 
it is disappointing that his drawings of the army posts 
on the Bozeman Trail were perfunctory at best. His 
interest appeared to lie in describing and sketching na- 
ture, not the Army posts which must have seemed mun- 
dane and commonplace after experiencing the views of 
the immense prairies and mountain ranges on the jour- 

Clarke kept a daily mileage log at the back of his 
diary for the entire trip, from a wagon-wheel odom- 
eter. I have found his recorded distances generally to 
be within 209c of the same distances measured on a 
topographic map, where I was able to ascertain his route 
closely. Clarke also referenced the key landmarks of 
the journey very often in his daily diary entries. The 
three great landmarks of the Bozeman Trail, often ref- 
erenced and described by Clarke, were Laramie Peak 
in the Laramie Range (referred to as the "Black Hills" 
in the 1867 diary). Pumpkin Buttes, located in present 
Campbell County, and, of course, the Big Horn Moun- 

Left camp this morning at 6 '/i. traveling bv row march 
to Brown 's Springs, which we reached at a little be- 
fore 2 P.M. The weather is pleasant, sunny, but the 
wind from the west cold & raw, have to drop the side 
curtain of my wagon. More of the wind-shaped rock, 

or siliceous formations, at points along the road, par- 
ticularly in ravines and the points of hills. Cross the 
creek and rest for the wagons. Reach the 
Hiimphreyville's Creek about 11 '/;, having before 
stopped for lunch. See the Laramie Peak, at the same 
time with the Pumpkin Buttes in the forenoon. The 
Big Horn no longer visible.''" 

It is easy to picture Major Clarke writing in his small, 
tan diary by candlelight in his tent after each day's ad- 

We encamp some 1 or 2 miles from the Post on Big 
Piney. We are in a vale surrounded b\ high hills, with 
the mountains rising above on one side some 7 or 8 
miles distant. The Big Piney a wild mountain torrent 
brawling over boulders of primitive rock.^^ 

Even with the daily routine, the wind and cold, and 
the weariness of long days traveling and paying the 
troops. Clarke still found energy to record, in words 
and pictures, his impressions of the journey and his 
surroundings on the Bozeman Trail. Wyoming history 
is richer for Major Clarke's efforts. 

■*'' Excerpt from diary entry of October 24, 1867. 
"" Excerpt from diary entry of November 14, 1867. 
^' Excerpt from diary entry of October 22. 1867. 

Eric J. Harmon holds a bachelor 's degree in 
geophysical engineering and a professional 
degree in hydrogeology from the Colorado 
School of Mines, Golden. He has been a 
ground-water consultant since 1979. He was 
a historical interpreter at the Littleton His- 
torical Museum from 1988-1998. A blacksmith 
by avocation, he lives in Lakewood, Colorado. 




Marvin Lord Bishop, Sr., 
Pioneer Sheep Rancher 


By Jefferson Glass 

The Bishop lanulv. March 14. 1916. celebrating wedding of Katherine Elvira "Kittie" Bishop to 
James A. Elliott. Left, front: Katherine Bishop Elliott. Seated, left to right: Jerome Trcnis Bishop. 
Leona "Lona" Bishop. Mannn Lord Bishop Sr.. Lillian Leona Bishop. John Peale Bishop. Marie 
"Pink " Bishop. Lilas May Bishop Burns. Standing: Marguerite "Rete " Bishop. Man'in Lord Bishop 
Jr. Seated at her father 's feet. Lois Lucile Bishop. 

The founder of the Natrona County Woolgrowers 
Association. Marvin L. Bishop, arrived in Casper, 
Wyoming as the newly appointed postmaster on Sep- 
tember 1, 1892. During his career. Bishop also was 
instrumental in the development of the "Stock Trail" 
system of Central Wyoming. 

He was born November 3, 1861, in Binghamton, 
Broome County, New York, to John Titus and Marga- 
ret Catherine (Peale) Bishop. His parents were natives 
of Virginia and returned to that state following the Civil 
War.' Marvin Bishop was raised and educated in Vir- 
ginia and had ambitions of becoming an attorney. His 
pursuit of this vocation, however, was interrupted be- 
cause his family could not afford the cost of educating 

both Marvin and his brother, .lohn Peale Bishop. As a 
result, Marvin taught school to provide financial help 
so that his brother could complete medical school. 

When he left his boyhood home in Elkton, Virginia, 
in the Shenandoah Valley, Marvin Bishop was a young 
man fascinated with the west. In the early 188()'s he 
went to New York where he worked briefly with mer- 
chant John Wannamaker. Soon, he moved west to Chi- 
cago, Illinois, where he took a job with Marshall Field.- 

' Cora M. Beach, Women ofWxoming. (Casper: S. E. Boyer & 
Company, 1927). 351. 

- Susan Bishop, The Bishop Famih Home. (Application for 
Nomination to the National Register of Historic Places, May 
2000), 18. 



Annals oi Wyoming: Tke Wyoming History Journal 

In 1884 he continued on west to settle in Gates County. 
Nebraska, where he entered the real estate business. It 
was there that he met the young schoolteacher, Leona 
A. "Lona" Hathaway, who became his wife.' 

Bom January 14, 1867, in Springfield, Illinois, to 
John and Elvira (Shaw) Hathaway, Lona moved to 
Nebraska with her parents in 1887. There, she taught 
school. She married Marvin Lord Bishop on June 21, 
1888, in Kimball, Nebraska. A year later, the young 
couple moved on to Cheyenne, Wyoming, with their 
baby daughter, Lilas May Bishop. The family lived in 
Cheyenne and a second daughter, Katherine Elvira 
Bishop, was bom there. ^ 

At that time, Marvin was a Democrat. The young 
State of Wyoming was populated by a Republican ma- 
jority, but consistent with the patronage method of se- 
lecting postmasters, Grover Cleveland, the newly 
elected Democratic President, sought out a member of 
his own party to fill the seat of postmaster in Casper. 
Bishop accepted the political appointment and the re- 
sponsibility with honor and vigorous devotion.' 

Casper was a four-year-old community of fewer than 
1,000 people in 1892. With the arrival of the Bishop 
family that September, the population grew by four. In 
the early days, the post office was located in the center 
of the business district on the east side of Center Street 
between what is now Second Street and Midwest Av- 
enue. The postmaster received a salary of $50 per month. 
Later, as the town grew, the rate went up to $100 per 
month. Yet, even in the standards of the day, this was 
modest compensation for keeping the office open from 
7 a.m. until 9 p.m. Mail service was of critical impor- 
tance in those days. It was the principal means of com- 
munication for the majority of the remote western com- 
munities. Postmasters often operated some sort of busi- 
ness in conjunction with the postal operation to subsi- 
dize their salary.^ Bishop had M. L. Bishop's Cash Store 
and advertised his "Fine Family Groceries." He also 
carried dry goods, hardware, ammunition, candy and 
chewing gum.' 

John Brognard "J. B." Okie, a notable sheepman who 
had settled on Badwater Creek some ten years earlier, 
recalled the misery of receiving mail in that era, re- 
membering having to travel "130 miles to get his mail 
and only got it twice per year."" Okie was a "self-made 
man", with large land holdings (that he had sometimes 
acquired under mysterious circumstances).' Okie's 
Bighom Sheep Company rivaled in size many of the 
cattle barons of the open range era of the late 1800's 
and he expanded into freighting, road-ranches, and the 
mercantile business. In the days when tensions between 
sheep and cattlemen were constantly strained, Okie built 

a sheep empire large enough to stand up against the 
cattle barons.'" 

In April 1892, Bryant B. Brooks' V bar V brand was 
well known among Wyoming's cattlemen. Brooks, a 
future Wyoming govemor, entered the sheep business 
in partnership with Robert White. In the spring of that 
year, Brooks and White trailed 3,000 sheep to Natrona 
County from Denver, Colorado. About the time of the 
Bishop's arrival in Casper that fall. White traveled to 
the eastem United States and purchased a band of pure- 
bred Vermont Merinos which were integrated into the 
V bar V herd. Brooks was satisfied with his new ven- 
ture until it was discovered that White had overlooked 
a problem with the Merinos. They were afflicted with 
scabies. The partnership was dissolved, but through dili- 
gent treatment. Brooks managed to defeat the disease 
in the herd without severe losses. Over the next few 
years, he became as firmly established in the sheep busi- 
ness as he had been in cattle ranching." 

In March 1 893 Ellen Virginia Bishop was bom. That 
spring M. L. Bishop and four other Casper men began 
planning the constmction of the First Methodist Epis- 
copal Church (now the First Methodist Church) of 
Casper. By the end of that summer, the church was 
completed on the comer of Second and Durbin Streets. 
This was the second permanent church to be constmcted 
in Casper and likely was also used by other denomina- 
tions for their own services when traveling ministers 
came to town, much the same as the Episcopal Church 
was used by several denominations on special occa- 
sions. By 1896 the membership of the First Methodist 
Episcopal Church was 22; a large number were the 

' Beach. }5]. 

•" Beach. 351; Census of Natrona County, Wyoming. April 28, 

' Beach, 350-351; Alfred James Mokler, History- of Nalrona 
County Wyoming 1888-1922. (Chicago: R. R. Donnelley & Sons 
Company, The Lakeside Press, 1923), 162. 

" Casper Zonta Club, Casper Chronicles. (Casper, privately 
printed, 1964). 91. 

'M. L. Bishop to E. T David, July 6, 1895, Bob David Collec- 
tion. Goodstein Library. Casper College; Bishop. 13. 

* Mary Helen Hendry. Tales of Old Lost Cabin and Parts There- 
about. (Lysite: privately printed, 1989). 2. 

' Hendry. 1-2. 

'"Hendry, 10-13. 

" The thought that a cattlemen would import sheep during this 
era of antagonism between these two rival factions was unbeliev- 
able. This action by Brooks may be one of his most important, 
yet least noticed, contributions to Wyoming. See Bryant B. Brooks. 
Memoirs of Bryant B. Brooks. (Glendale. Calif.: Arthur H. Clark 
Co.. 1939), 197- 198; Edward NorrisWentworth./\menca'i5/!eep 
Trails. (Ames. Iowa: Iowa State College Press, 1948), 321, 451- 
452; T. A. Larson, History of Wyoming - Second Edition, Revised, 
(Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1978), 314, 367. 



Bishop family. Bishop served on the first Board of Trust- 
ees of the church. Later, he was named a Hfetime tmstee 
in recognition of his service. '- 

Even though Bishop was fairly new in town, he was 
postmaster and owner of a "cash store," and therefore, 
"a man in the know" when it came to business and 
politics in the community. Soon after his arrival in 
Casper, Bishop evidently recognized the likely advan- 
tages of sheep ranching in the arid climate." In May 
1 894, Bishop purchased a parcel of land from Edward 
T. David and had the land surveyed and cleared of in- 
truding brush. He also completed his first shearing.'"* 
Earliest records show that Bishop first ventured into 
the sheep business near the confluence of the North 
Platte and Sweetwater Rivers southwest of Casper.'" It 
must be presumed that this land transaction was the 
beginning of his ranching career. 

A month earlier, J. B. Okie, and Associates fired up 
their automated sheep-shearing plant near Casper. It 
was the first steam-powered shearing plant to be built 
in the United States. The local newspaper announced: 

Amid much applause, the first sheep was sheared by 
Mrs. Okie, the wife of the man who was instrumental 
in initiatmg this method of sheep shearing to the 
American people, and Mrs. Okie enjoys the distinc- 
tion of shearing the first sheep ever shorn by this 
method in America, and she performed the task m 
less than five minutes.'" 

Since his arrival in Casper, the subdued rivalry be- 
tween the sheepmen and cattlemen exhibited in town 
had often resulted in violence once the concerned par- 
ties were beyond the watchful eye of potential wit- 
nesses.'" If Bishop's life was not stressful enough with 
his duties as postmaster and his entry into sheep busi- 
ness, the death of his youngest daughter, Ellen, on 
August 14, 1894, was a devastating blow."* Despite 
the tragedy. Bishop was determined to succeed in the 
sheep industry. 

In those early years, sheepmen were in danger on the 
range. Bishop, years later, told his children about those 
perilous times.'" The cattlemen established what they 
called the "dead line," the implication that if any 
sheepman crossed this often-unidentified imaginary 
line, they would die. The cattlemen however, did not 
feel obliged to honor reciprocal respect when it came 
to crossing this line into the sheepmen's territory. Cattle- 
men and their employees were known to take a posi- 
tion above a herd of grazing sheep and shoot as many 
sheep with their rifles as their supply of ammunition 
would allow. If the herder showed himself or any resis- 
tance, he, too, might be shot. A favorite foray of the 


cowboys was to gather fifty or a hundred head of steers 
and stampede them through a flock of grazing sheep. 
This method of harassment produced immediate results, 
injury or death of dozens of sheep.-' The sheepmen 
were on constant alert in case that the cattlemen crossed 
the "dead line" into their territory. They painted their 
tarpaulins black in order to camouflage the location of 
their camps at night and were constantly on guard, pre- 
pared to defend their sheep, their herders, and their 
outfits. During this era of constant danger. Bishop ex- 
panded his ranching operation by developing a sum- 
mer grazing range in the foothills of the Big Horn 
Mountains near Arminto, Wyoming.-' 

Much of Bishop's land expansion was accomplished 
through homesteading. Under the Homestead Act of 
1865 any citizen who was the head of a household, 
over twenty-one years of age, or a veteran of military 
service, could file a claim on 160 acres of government 
land. His spouse or children often would file on an ad- 
ditional (usually adjacent) claim. After the claimant met 
the requirements of the act, which included specific 
improvements (often referred to as "Proving Up"), the 
land was then deeded over by United States Govern- 
ment "Patent". The law loosened the filing requirements 
of homestead acts, expanding the amount of land that 
could homesteaded. Over the course of a few years, the 
rancher eventually could acquire a substantial amount 
of land.-- 

In 1895 the Bishops purchased a lot next door to the 
William T. Evans family on Wolcott Street from E. T. 

'- Casper Zonta Club. 21; Mokler, 132, 

" Casper Zonta Club, 91 , 

" M. L. Bishop to E. T David. May 2. 1894. Bob David Col- 
lection, Special Collections, Goodstein Library, Casper College. 

'^ Susan Bishop. 2-}. 

'"Mokler. 188-189, 

" Helen Huntington Smith, The War on Powder River. (New 
York: McGraw-Hill Book Company, 1966). 

"* Beach, 3.'il; Bishop. 18; Census of Natrona County, Wyo- 
ming, April 28, 1910, 

" Casper Zonta Club, 74. 

•" Casper Zonta Club. 15. 

-' Casper Zonta Club. 74-76; Bishop. 15. 

-- Of the thousands of homestead claims that were filed over 
the years, large percentages were never actually patented. Many 
of those tiling a claim were unable to meet the government re- 
quirements or found that the land they had chosen turned out to 
be unsuitable for their purpose. Casper Zonta Club. 71-73; See 
also Records from the Douglas, Wyoming Land Ojfice. held in the 
Cheyenne. Wyoming, office of the United States Department of 
Intenor. Bureau of Land Management. 


Annals or Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal 

(Above): Shearing on a hot den; west of Casper. May 1898. 
Tens of thousands of sheep were sheared each year in the 
vicinity of Casper during the late 1800s. The bags of wool 
in this photograph are marked "C H. King. " King was a 
local merchant and banker in Casper. It is not known if 
he was the buyer or the seller of this wool. 

(Below) .String-teams wait to unload at the Woolgrower's 
Warehouses in Casper, June 1898. Transportation of wool 
was a serious consideration in the days before trucks. Wool 
had to be hauled by string-teams to the nearest railhead. 
Casper was the primary shipping point for wool from north- 
ern and central Wyoming from 1889-1905. 


ffn^**?^ -••»i*ii:v<* 

Autumn 2000 


David-' and built a modest home. (The Evans' home 
had formerly been a dancehall owned by the infamous 
Lou Polk).-' 

In April, 1 895, the family celebrated the birth of an- 
other daughter. Marguerite "Rete" Bishop. One bright 
sunny morning in June 1 897, the townspeople watched 
Bishop raise a flag at the post office as if it were some 
new national holiday. It was much too soon to begin 
celebrating the Fourth of July. The flag-raising an- 
nounced that "Lona" Bishop hadjust given birth to their 
first son, Marvin Lord Bishop, Jr.-"" 

Bishop's duties as postmaster continued to grow as 
Casper grew. The U. S. Post Office Department deter- 
mined that it was necessary to hire a full-time assistant 
postmaster. Bishop was forced to make an important 
decision.-" His sheep ranching operation had far out- 
grown the time when it could be managed in his "spare- 
time" and the increase in duties of the postmaster re- 
quired a full time commitment. Further, the presiden- 
tial administration had changed. After six years as post- 
master. Bishop resigned in i 898 in order to devote time 
to his sheep business.-' On August 2, 1 898, he handed 
over the keys to his successor, Mrs. Ida A. Hewes, Re- 
publican President William McKinley's newly ap- 
pointed postmaster.-'^ 

The winter of 1 898-99 had been devastating for Wyo- 
ming sheepmen. The United States Department of Ag- 
riculture estimated Wyoming's losses at 236,683 sheep, 
about ten percent of the state's total sheep population. 
There is no way of knowing how substantial Bishop's 
losses may have been that winter. It is known that he 
had a good winter grazing area and perhaps this cir- 
cumstance aided in his survival,-'^ 

His family continued to grow. Yet another daughter, 
Marie "Pink" Bishop, had been born into the family in 
1899 and second son, John Peale Bishop, was bom in 
1902. The home on Wolcott Street was too small for 
their growing family. Besides, the quiet home that had 
been a short distance away from the bustle of the busi- 
ness district a few years earlier, was now in the heart of 
that busy area. 

For several years Casper had been competing with 
Cheyenne in the bid to become home to the state capi- 
tol. With this in mind, Robert White speculated that 
the most likely site for the capitol building would be 
on the hill just east of town that overlooked the city. In 
1896 he platted the Capitol Hill Addition to Casper, 
near the foot of this hill, presuming that the neighbor- 
hood would be most popular with all those that would 
wish to live in close proximity of the capitol. He sold 
the first lot in this new addition in 1 897 to John Bryan. 
Prospects of Casper as state capital began to fade and 

so did interest in White's lots. It would be another three 
years before the second lot was sold. Eventually, the 
city of Casper did grow and the subdivision east of 
town that had seemed so far away edged closer to the 
downtown area as the business district expanded.'" 

Capitol Hill, which had initially appeared to be so 
far from town, now began to look very appealing to 
this couple raising several small children. With this in 
mind, Marvin purchased a lot on Lincoln Street, which 
was then on the outskirts of Casper in 1902. There, 
Bishop built a small, comfortable frame house that 
would be home for his growing family for the next few 

-' The e.xact address of residential loi 24. block 3, of the Casper 
Addition, which M. L. Bishop purchased from E. T. David in 
1895 is not known. The location is in Casper's downtown busi- 
ness district and is combined with three other lots to make up the 
current address of 230 South Wolcoti. Letter from M L. Bishop 
to E. T. David, July 6. 1895; Natwna Coiinn Assessor's Office 
records. (Casper, Wyoming, August 16, 2000). 

-■" Lou Polk was said to have been a beautiful young woman 
who operated a thriving dancehall in Casper until May 1890. She 
was abducted by Casper saloon owner "Black" Dogae Lee. one of 
her patrons, in a tit of jealousy. Polk eventually escaped her kid- 
napper, but not before Lee cut off her nose in an attempt to de- 
stroy her beauty and. consequently, to discourage her many suit- 
ors. Lou Polk acquired "Black" Lee"s saloon as compensation for 
her disfigurement and sold her former dancehall to the Fitger fam- 
ily who remodeled it into a home. In 1894 W. T. Evans purchased 
the home and veneered over the dull green exterior with brick. 
Casper Zonia Club, 42-48; Jefferson Glass. 'The Founder of Evans- 
ville: Casper Builder W. T. Evans." Annals of Wyoming - The 
Wyoming History Jounial. 70 (Autumn 1998), 23. 

-■ Bishop, 18; "Marvin Bishop Dies," Casper Star Tribune. 
March 25. 1973, 1, 8; Census of Natrona County, Wyoming, April 
28, 1910. 

-"Mokler, 162. 

"Bishop. 14. 

-* Casper Zonta Club, 92. 

-" Larson, 367-368. 

'" Robert White was one of Casper, Wyoming's earliest busi- 
nessmen. He opened a saloon in Casper's "Old Town" in 1888. 
His saloon was the first building to be moved to the newly platted 
town of Casper in 1889. He served on Casper's City Council from 
1889 to 1893, was a Natrona County Commissioner from 1893 to 
1894 and again was elected to the city council in 1897. The of- 
fices of Natrona County occupied the second floor of White's 
saloon on Center Street from 1890 to 1895. He acquired the land 
that was platted for the Capitol Hill addition as part of his pat- 
ented homestead claim. Mokler, 16,34, 1 17-126; Natrona County 
Clerk, Plat for the Capitol Hill Addition to Casper. Wyoming. (July- 
Id. 1896). Real Estate Records Office. Natrona County Court- 
house, Casper; Natrona County Clerk. Deed Book - Capitol Hill 
Addition, (Real Estate Records Office, Natrona County Court- 
house, Casper, Wyoming, 1896-1923). 

" M. L. Bishop purchased from Robert White, lot 4, block 41, 
in the Capitol Hill Addition of Casper, Wyoming on August 21, 
1902. Natrona County Clerk, Deed Book - Capitol Hill Addition: 
Census of Natrona County, Wyoming. April 28, 1910. 


Annalg or Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal 

By 1902 Bishop's gamble in the sheep business be- 
gan paying off. Shearing and transportation of wool 
was a serious consideration in the days before trucks. 
Proximity to the railroad was a primary consideration 
for establishing a sheep shearing plant. Those plants 
that were located any serious distance from the rail- 
road had to endure the additional time and expense of 
transporting the wool by string-teams to the nearest 
railhead. For this reason, Casper was the primary ship- 
ping point for wool for a large portion of the State of 
Wyoming from 1889 to 1905. In addition to the steam- 
powered shearing plant that J. B. Okie and Associates 
had built in 1894, there were two other hand-shearing 
plants near Casper. One plant located near the mouth 
of Casper Creek ran a forty-man shearing crew whose 
production averaged over four thousand sheep per day 
during each shearing season from 1889 to 1900." 

In 1904 the newly established U. S. Reclamation 
Service (later USBR) was laying plans for the construc- 
tion of Pathfinder Dam, eight miles above the town of 
Alcova. The reservoir produced by this project would 
submerge 25,000 acres of pasturelands, but the pro- 
posal indicated that it would provide inrigation for more 
than one million acres of Wyoming land. With this 
project. Bishop, along with dozens of other ranchers, 
lost his winter pastures that had been the beginning of 
his ranching operation. To establish new winter graz- 
ing, the Bishops filed two separate homestead claims 
on the plateau above the valley of the Sweetwater, but 
the location was inferior to his original pastures and 
irrigation was never made available to the site. Bishop's 
Point, a prominent landmark on the shores of Path- 
finder Reservoir, overlooks what was once Bishop's 
original ranch. His replacement pastures lay just north 
of the point." 

The Wyoming and Northwestern Railway Company 
built the first railroad west of Casper to Lander.'^ (The 
line was sold to the Chicago & Northwestern Railway 
Company in 1920). Early in 1905, Bishop began plan- 
ning for the expanding railroad. By this time the 
Bishop's second daughter, Katherine, had homesteaded 
an area twelve miles northwest of Casper called 

The Wyoming & Northwestern chose Cadoma for its 
first station west of Casper. Bishop established a shear- 
ing operation and stockyard there. When the rails 
reached this site in August 1905, Marvin Bishop was 
ready for business with an operation designed for the 
convenience of the sheepmen. A rancher could drive 
his herd in from winter pastures, have them sheared 
and dipped at Bishop's pens, ship those he wanted to 
sell, and drive the rest to summer range. Cadoma was 

not intended to be a mefropolis, but a working commu- 
nity. The station consisted of Bishop's operation, a post 
office, and a few dwelling houses.^' 

By the time of the birth of the Bishop's daughter, 
Lillian Leona Bishop, in 1905, Marvin Bishop was 
becoming prominent as a businessman and sheepman 
in Wyoming. Even the leading cattlemen of Wyoming 
were seeing the advantages of the two-crop yield for 
both wool and mutton that sheep produced over the 
single-crop yield of cattle for beef. As cattle prices con- 
tinued to fall and open-range lands continued to dimin- 
ish, sheep ranching became more and more lucrative in 
the eyes of Wyoming cattlemen.^'' Even the famous 
Swan Land and Cattie Company, headquartered in 
Chugwater, sold off their entire herd of cattle and im- 
ported sheep! Duncan Grant, a Two-Bar cowboy at the 
time, recalled the event. "When the Two-Bar sold all of 
their cattle, I was with the round-up crew. Within two 
weeks, twenty-seven thousand head of cattle were 
rounded up and delivered to Chugwater"" The mag- 
nitude of this transition can easily be weighed by study- 
ing the changes in livestock populations from 1905 to 
1906 when cattle populations fell by nearly fifty thou- 
sand head while sheep populations grew by more than 
one million in Wyoming.^* 

^=Wentworth. 424-425. 

'■' Farmers in the State of Nebraska were the major beneficia- 
ries of future irrigation provided by the dam's construction. A. J. 
Mokler did not hide his views of the politics behind construction 
of the dam. "The Pathfinder Dam was buiU under false pretenses 
and Wyoming was thereby deprived of reclaiming a vast amount 
of acreage which would have been irrigated had the plans been 
carried out as the people of Wyoming were led to believe and 
given to understand they would." Eventually, an irrigation system 
was developed for much of Natrona County and Wyoming, but 
for many years, the loss of so much good land far outweighed the 
flood control advantages it offered for Wyoming residents. Mokler, 
74-75; Bishop, 14; Records from the Douglas. W\'oming Land 

" Donald B. Robertson, Encyclopedia of West em Railroad His- 
tory. Volume II. (Dallas: Taylor Publishing Co., 1991), 405. 

" Cadoma is an Indian word that means "to hide." It is not 
known how the area came to be named. Mae Urbanek, Wyoming 
Place Names. (Boulder: Johnson Publishing Co., 1974), 36; Re- 
search Guide - Natrona County, Wyotning. (Casper: Natrona 
County Genealogical Society, 1986), 3; Wheeler & Worthington, 
Map of Natrona County, Wyoming, (Casper: Wheeler & 
Worthington-Civil Engineers, Map Makers, & Blueprinters, 
1921); Census of Natrona County. Wyoming, April 28, 1910; 
Bishop, 16; Mokler. 48-49. 

^' Ernest Staples Osgood, The Day of the Cattleman. (Chicago: 
University of Chicago Press, 1929), 216-258. 

" Duncan Paul Grant, Memoirs of Duncan Paul Grant (1881- 
1975), (Unpublished Typescript, Original held by Robert Grant, 
Grant Ranch, Richeau Creek, Wheatland, Wyoming), 7. 

'* Larson, 367. 

Autumn 2000 

(Above): Bishop 's shearing operation at Cadoma. Wyo- 
ming, c. 190"^ Established in 1905, Cadoma was the first 
station west of Casper on the Wyoming & Northwestern 
Railway. The working community consisted ofBi.fhop's 
operation, a post office, and a few dwelling houses. 

(BeloM'i: Tlie original Bishop Ranch on the Sweer^vater 
River. April 30, 1900, Katherine "Kittie" Bishop's birth- 
day. This operation sen'ed as headquarters for the Bishop 
Sheep Company until 1911 when it was submerged be- 
neath the waters of Pathfinder Reser\'oir. Left to right: 
Manin L Bishop Jr., ton horse): Manin L. Bishop Sr., 
Lona, Rete, Lilas May. and Kittie (on her new bicycle). 


Annals or Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal 

Leona A. "Lona" Hathaway Bishop 

Both portraits, circa 1892, Bishop Family 
In April 1906 the Bishop family was prospering in 
Casper when Marvin purchased two adjacent lots on 
Second Street, just around the comer from their home 
on Lincoln Street, and began planning the construction 
of a much larger house.''* To design the home, Bishop 
hired Elias N. Miller, a prominent architect from Colo- 
rado who had been involved in much of the design of 
local refineries and commercial buildings. Bishop loved 
the Colonial style homes of his youth in Virginia and 
presented Miller with a few sketches he made from 
memory of the house he had grown up in. Based on 
these sketches and Bishop's descriptions, Miller de- 
signed a 2 1/2-story Four Square home with Colonial 
Revival detailing. ■*° 

Bishop then hired William T. Evans, a well-known 
local mason and plasterer who had built churches, 
schools, and many government and commercial build- 
ings in Casper, to construct the home at 818 East Sec- 
ond Street. Construction was completed in 1907.'*' This, 
the first multi-storied brick home known to be built in 
Casper, was a center for business, political, and social 
affairs for many years. It served as predecessor to the 
several brick mansions of the historic South Wolcott 
district that were built ft-om 1908 to 1912. Built of natu- 
ral red brick with high ceilings, it features a large cov- 
ered porch supported by tall white columns. The hip 
roof sports a wrought-iron-railed widow's walk, the only 
one known to be constructed in Casper. On the ground 
floor were a formal parlor, living room, master bed- 

Marvin Lord Bishop Sr. 

Home Collection, 8 1 8 E. 2nd, Casper 

room, dining room and kitchen. The second floor held 
the bedrooms of Bishop's daughters and the bathroom. 
His sons shared the single large room in the atflc. The 
home was the most noticeable dwelling in Casper at 
the time. The home is still standing and still owned by 
the Bishop family. "- 

By the time the Bishops moved into this, their third 
and final home in Casper, Natrona County led the state 
in the number of sheep returned for assessment, report- 
ing over one million during that summer.^' (That April 
their third son, Jerome Travis Bishop, was bom. The 
Bishop's tenth child, Lois Lucile Bishop who became 
a well-liked local schoolteacher, was bom in the new 
home in October 1908 and lived there until her death 
in 1997).'^ 1909 was the peak year in history for the 
sheep industry of Wyoming, whose growers reported a 
total statewide total of more than six million sheep. 

" Natrona County Clerk, Deed Book - Capitol Hill Addition. 

*" Casper Zonta Club, 63; "Long-Time Architect, Elias N. 
Miller. Dies," Casper Star Tribune. August 10, 1968, 1. 

■" All of Evans" original masonry as well as much of the origi- 
nal plasterwork is still intact today. Since Evans" usually made 
his own brick and the color is typical of the brick he is known to 
have made, it is assumed that he also made the brick that this 
home was constructed from. Glass, 20-28. 

■*- Bishop, 15-16, 18-20; Census of Natrona County, Wyoming, 
April 28, 1910. 

" Directory of the Sheep Owners of Wyoming - 1907. (Chey- 
enne: State Board of Sheep Commissioners, 1907), 11. 

« Bishop, 18. 

Autumn 2000 


Wyoming also led the nation in total pounds of wool 
washed and scoured for use in the textile industry. 
Natrona County had dropped to third in sheep popula- 
tion that year, but was still rated second in assessed 
value of its herds for the state.^"^ 

In 191 1 the reservoir behind the recently completed 
Pathfinder Dam was filled and Bishop was forced to 
leave his old winter pastures that he had maintained for 
nearly two decades. Although tfiis change of winter 
operations was inconvenient and costly to Bishop, it 
did not cripple his ranching career. Furthermore, 
Bishop's shearing operation was very successftil. In 
1915, Bishop founded the Natrona County WixMgrowers 
Association and served as its president for the next fif- 
teen years. ^* When much of the country was being 
fenced and cross-fenced. Bishop realized the impor- 
tance of keeping the established trails open for the sea- 
sonal moving of Uvestock. He was instrumental during 
this time in establisliing the series of stock trails and 
rest stations that are still in use today.^^ 

So important was the volume of shipping done from 
Cadoma that when the Chicago, Burlington, & Quincy 
Railway came to the area, they urged Bishop to move 
his shearing operation the short distance to their line 
for his transportation of wool and livestock. ITie de- 
tails of their agreement have been lost, but in 1916, 
Bishop's shearing operation was moved the half-mile 
to the Burlington track. The new town of Bishop, named 
by the railroad company in his honor, was formed. 

ITie new operation at Bishop far exceeded that of 
Cadoma. Three thousand sheep could be held under 
the roof of the new plant. 'I"he new town had a school- 
house, living accommodations for the families, a post 
office, and a boarding house for herders and sheep shear- 
ers. Most of the Bishop children recalled working at 
Bishop, either helping move the sheep in the pens or 
working in the boarding house. 

All of these facilities have long since faded into the 
sagebrush and sand. The only reminder that the rail- 
roads were once so critical to the sheep industry is the 
abandoned siding that is still marked "Bishop", llie 
Chicago, Burlington, & Quincy Railway is now the 
Burlington Northern & Santa Fe Railway and high- 
speed diesel locomotives pull mile-long strings of rail- 
cars past the old siding, llie Wyoming & Northwest- 
ern line that passed through Cadoma was uprooted due 
to a lack of business many years ago.''* 

Marvin Bishop served on the Casper City Council 
from 1918 to 1919. Still very acUve in the Nafi-ona 
County Woolgrowers Association in 1925, Marvin L. 
Bishop sued Robert D. Hawley in order to keep a stock 
trail open to the pubUc. Hawley won the suit and Bishop 

appealed to the Supreme Court of Wyoming. On Au- 
gust 11, 1925, oral arguments were held before the Su- 
preme Court. 'Hie Court decided that Bishop held suf- 
ficient evidence that the trail had been in use long be- 
fore Hawley had acquired the land it crossed. Bishop 
won the appeal and a right of way was granted."'' 

In 1938, Bishop was elected to the Board of Natrona 
County Commissioners. That same year Marvin and 
"Lona" celebrated their 50'" wedding anniversary. More 
than 200 family members and guests attended the re- 
ception at their home. 

Bishop died on March 31. 1939, in Ca,sper. He was 
77 years old. In his final days Bishop told his family 
and friends that his work for the woolgrowers had been 
the most rewarding service in his life. Due to his life- 
fime commitment the 1940 National Woolgrowers' Con- 
vention was held in Casper, Wyoming, in honor of his 
service and memory. 

Marvin Lord Bishop was a self-made man. He began 
his sheep ranching career with few assets and at a fime 
when sheepmen were far from popular. Nine of Marvin 
and Lona's ten cliildren grew to maturity. One of them, 
Marvin L. Bishop, .Jr., fulfilled his father's childhood 
■ambition and became a prominent Wyoming attorney. 
So, too, did his grandson, Marvin L. Bishop, III.'^" 

^^ Larson, 367, Directory of Sheep Owners ofW\'oming - 1909. 
(Cheyenne: Wyoming Wool Growers Association). 19, 25. 

^' It has been told for three generations among the Bishop fam- 
ily that Marvin L. Bishop, Sr. was the founder of the Natrona 
County Woolgrowers Association. Through much research, it has 
been confirmed that he was a charter member of this organization 
and president of it for the first fifteen years of its existence. To 
say that Mr. Bishop was "the founder" can neither be proved nor 
disproved and is cited here as a presumed fact. 

" 77;? Wvoming Wool Grower. (McKinley, Wyoming, April 3, 
1939); Bishop, 14. 17-18. 

^^ Leona "Lona" Bishop was the postmaster at Cadoma. and 
later at Bishop. Col. Norman D. King, "Old Wyoming Post Of- 
fices," Annals of Wyoming 29 (October 19.'i7); Bishop, 17-19; 
Wheeler & Worthinglon; Urbanek, 25; Research Guide -Natrona 
County, Wi'oming. 3. 

'''' It had been Bishop's intention to keep a 5(J0-foot right-of- 
way open across Hawley's land in order to allow sheep to graze 
while in transit. Bishop was only granted a 100-foot right-of-way; 
nevertheless the trail remained open. Bishop vs. Hawley. (Supreme 
Court of Wyoming, August 11, 1925). 

* Mokler. 129; "Fiftieth Wedding Celebration of M. L. Bishop." 
Ca.sper Tribune Herald, .lune 23. 1938; Bishop, 17-20. 

Jefferson Glass is a Wyoming hisloriau. This is 
his second article in Annals. He also has writ- 
ten a biography of the notorious Me. stern trader, 
ferryman and bridge-builder, John Baptiste 
Richard, titled Reshaw, soon to be published 
by High Plains Press, Glendo. 

^^oming Picture 

"On the March, Camp Otis, Laramie, Wyoming, " postcard made apparently in 1910 or 1912. During both years, 
the Wyoming Xational Guard held summer camp at the site, just to the east of Laramie. Postcard courtesy of Amy 
Lawrence, Laramie. The card was in her mother's collection and the reverse side is postmarked April 12, 1912, 

Join me ^^(^oming State Historical Society.... 
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Judy West, Society Coordinator 

Wyoming State Historical Society 

PMB# 184 

1740H Dell Range Blvd. 

Cheyenne WY 82009-4945 






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